Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XII – Taking Stock


me_and_my_daughters

Pnina and her daughters.

INTRODUCTION

As with all research projects, there have been so many zigzags in this story, it’s only reasonable to take a break to take stock of where we are in solving the puzzle of Pnina’s identity.  We haven’t solved all the mysteries yet, but we know so much more now than we started with a few years ago.

Pnina Gutman is in her 70s and lives in Israel. She leads a normal life as a mother, a grandmother, and a great grandmother, but she has an unusual story.  Pnina was smuggled from the Warsaw Ghetto in late 1942 when she was an infant and hidden on the Aryan side by Charlotte Rebhun, a Christian woman from Berlin. Although Pnina’s life was saved, her identity was lost.  She has spent many years trying to recover it.

I became acquainted with Pnina in 2012 when I started a pilot project through 23andMe to DNA test child survivors of the Holocaust, hoping to reunite them with otherwise unfindable family members.  My source of candidates was the Missing Identity website hosted by Eva Floersheim from Norway that features compelling profiles of Holocaust survivor children who have lost their identities.  The survival rate for children during the Holocaust was the lowest of all age categories.  Of the 1 million Jewish children in Poland on the eve of the Holocaust, only about 5,000 survived – about one half of a percent – Pnina was one of the lucky ones.

Since the start of our project, our research group has grown, and we have consulted with major repositories of Holocaust material and civil and military records in Germany, Poland, Israel and the U.S.:

Jewish and Holocaust-Related Resources:

Yad Vashem, JRI Poland, jewishgen.org, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM), International Tracing Service (ITS), William Bremen Jewish Heritage MuseumAuschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and MuseumPawiak Prison Museum,

German Civil, Historical, and Military Repositories:

Berlin Landesarchiv, Berlin Bundesarchiv Lichterfelde, Zentral- und Landesbibliothek Berlin (ZLB), Deutsche Dienstelle, Landkreis Barnim, Badische Landesbibliotek Wurttemberg, Stadtarchiv Leipzig

Polish Civil, Historical, and Military Repositories:

Jewish Historical Institute, Polish State Archives in Warsaw, Central Archives of Modern Records in Warsaw, Archives of New Records in Warsaw, Institute of National Remembrance

U.S. Civil, Historical, and Military Repositories:

U.S. Library of Congress, U.S. National Archives

A Few of Many Websites:

Collection of historical European city and business directories – genealogyindexer.org
Victims of the Oppression under German Occupation – www.straty.pl/index.php/en/ 
Museum of the Warsaw Uprising biographies – www.1944.pl/powstancze-biogramy.html
Warsaw Ghetto database – warszawa.getto.pl/index.php?show=instrukcja&lang=en
Więżniowie Pawiaka (Pawiak Prisoners) – www.stankiewicze.com/pawiak/nazp3.htm

We have a great group of researchers located in all the right places:

Hania Allen                               Scotland
Cate Bloomquist                      Minnesota
Colleen Fitzpatrick, PhD        California
Eva Floersheim                        Moss, Norway
Franek Grabowski                   Warsaw, Poland
Pnina Gutman                          Israel
Sharon M Levy                         Israel


THE STORY OF PNINA’S RESCUE

By 2012, Pnina had already discovered that being smuggled from the Warsaw Ghetto was only part of her incredible story.  She had been rescued three times.  In 1944, after staying with the Rebun family for about two years, she was separated from them during a selection on the outskirts of Warsaw. Charlotte’s son Wolfgang was sent to Mathausen; Charlotte and her daughter Adele were sent to a work camp.  Pnina was found alone in a train station in Milanowek near Warsaw by a Red Cross worker who brought her to Franciszek Kaczmarek and his wife Stanislawa.  They took Pnina in although they already had five children of their own.

After the war, when the Kaczmareks wanted to adopt Pnina, they wrote to the Jewish Central Committee (JCC) to find out whether any of her family had survived.  Instead of replying, the JCC sent an emissary to the Kaczmarek’s house who took Pnina away by force, insisting she be raised a Jew. She was placed in the Otwock Orphanage, where she was adopted by the Himels.  She lived with them in Lodz until the family emigrated to Israel in 1950.

Pnina’s own research had led her back to the day she was smuggled from the Ghetto. By the time I was introduced to her, she had been reunited with both the Kaczmarek and Rebhun families.  Franciszek Kaczmarek and his wife were dead; Charlotte had been murdered when she returned to Berlin in 1945.  The Kaczmarek children were still alive, as were Wolfgang and Adele. They had provided her with many details of her rescue. They also gave her baby pictures – some dated back to shortly after she was smuggled from the Ghetto.  Two of them showed Charlotte near the park on Aleja Krolewska in Warsaw, including one with the white baby carriage she arrived in at Charlotte’s apartment, perhaps only days earlier.

Because they risked their lives to save Pnina, both Charlotte Rebhun and the Kazmareks were named Righteous before the Nations by the State of Israel.

Yad Vashem Ceremony Pictures 1

Pnina with Adele and Wolfgang at the Yad Vashem ceremony naming Charlotte as Righteous before the Nations, 1998.

Adele and Wolfgang’s eye-witness account of Pnina’s arrival at their family apartment on Krochmalna St. introduced several new characters to her story: Gertrude Spiro and her daughter Sonia, along with an unnamed German soldier. According to the Rebhuns:

Just before the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, Wolfgang recalled, a young Jewish couple, possibly freedom fighters, had convinced a German soldier to smuggle their daughter out of the ghetto. The nine-month-old had arrived in a white baby carriage, with a note draped around her neck reading Barbara Wenglinski. The soldier’s girlfriend, Sonia Spyra, passed the baby on to Charlotta Rebhun, Wolfgang’s mother, to be hidden in the Arian [sic] part of Warsaw.

wolfgangs_story-_to_yad_Vashem

Page 1 of the Rebhun’s testimony to the Yad Vashem

Their testimony to the Yad Vashem adds a few details:

It all started with a conversation between Mrs. Gertrude Spyra, wife of a Jew from Berlin, and my mother, Charlotte Rebhun born Schössow.

The conversation involved the adoption of a small child of a Jewish family from the Warsaw ghetto – the safekeeping and the survival of the child until its retrieval after surviving threats to life and limb. The birth parents were organized resistance fighters in the Warsaw ghetto.

The handover of Baschke by the birth mother took place in our former apartment in Warsaw Krochmalna No. 33, and included a baby stroller with baby clothing.

The intention was presented to my mother, that after taking care of their responsibilities in the Ghetto, the parents would return for the child after not too long a period of time.

After that, in the fall of 1942 – the exact time unfortunately, does not come to mind – there was no sign of the parents.

Barbara’s parents were Polish Jews.

GERTRUDE PRIESS-SPIRO

gertrudes-face-onlyGertrude Spiro was the person who organized Pnina’s rescue, yet the Rebhuns had little information about her and her daughter Sonia.  They did not even know how to spell their last name.  Now, thanks to records we’ve located at the Berlin Bundesarchiv Lichterfelde, the Berlin Landesarchiv, and through the Pawiak Prison Museum in Warsaw, we know so much more.  We hope that by researching the Spiros, we might find clues to Pnina’s identity.  It is even possible, although unlikely, that Sonia Spiro may still be alive.  Recent discoveries have also brought us closer to identifying the German soldier who was the go-between with Pnina’s parents.

Gertrude Priess was born in Bladiau, Kreis Heiligenbeil, East Prussia on 24 February 1899, the daughter of Friedrich Priess and Maria born Brockmann (Bruchmann).  The Priess family moved to Berlin about 1912 where they lived at 176/177 Brunnenstrasse until at least 1942. Their residence was located in what became East Berlin, three blocks from where the Berlin Wall once divided the city.

According to marriage records held by the Berlin Landesarchiv, Gertrude had two sisters:

johanna-priess-marriage-record-p2johanna-priess-marriage-record-p1Berta Johanna Priess, b 19 June 1895 in Quilitten, Kreis Heiligenbeil, East Prussia. She was a cook. Berta married Ernst Otto Gerlach on 20 July 1918 in Berlin. Ernst was born 24 Jul 1891 in Paplauken, Kreis Heiligenbeil, just a few miles away from where Berta was born four years later. At the time of their marriage, Ernst was a farmer living in Gross Lindenau, Kreis Konigsburg, East Prussia. According to notes included on their marriage certificate, the couple had a daughter, name unknown, b 1927 in Ottenhagen, Kreis Heiligenbeil, East Prussia, and Berta died 3 March 1963 in Leipzig.

martha-maria-marriage-record-p2 martha-maria-marriage-record-p1Martha Maria Priess, b 20 Nov 1901 in Bladiau, Kreis Heiligenbeil, East Prussia. She was unemployed when she married Albert Alfred Roehrs on 17 Jun 1920 in Berlin. Alfred was born on 15 September 1895 in Neu Weissensee near Berlin. He varnished furniture for a living, and later owned a flower shop in Berlin.  At the time of their marriage, Alfred lived on Anklamer St, about two blocks away from the Priess residence at 175-177 Brunnenstrasse in Berlin.  They had no known children. A note on their marriage certificate indicates that Alfred died 24 Jun 1978 in Wandlitz, Kreis Bernau.

Gertrude and Leo's Marriage Record_2Gertrude and Leo's Marriage Record_1Information about Gertrude’s early life is derived from her marriage record held by the Berlin Landesarchiv and from trial records held by the Berlin Bundesarchiv Lichterfelde. On 3 February 1923, Gertrude married Leo David Spiro, a Jew. Leo was born in Garwolin, Kreis Lublin, Poland, on 15 Mar 1897, the son of Abraham Leiser Spiro and Lea born Graf. He spent his early years in Warsaw, attending the private school run by his father. Leo was a leather worker. The couple had one daughter, Sonia, born in 1925 in Berlin.

Gertrude and Leo in Prison

On 22 July 1936, Leo and Gertrude were arrested in Berlin for preparing to commit treason. Their crime was to associate with Margarete Kaufmann and Gustav Urbschat, prominent members of the illegal KDP (Communist Party).  They allowed Kaufmann and Urbscat to hold meetings at their apartment, and occasionally allowed them or one of their associates to stay with them for a short period of time. In another incident, Kaufmann asked Gertrude to hide the typewriter she used to create Communist literature.

017

In the Name of the German People! The first page of Leo and Gertrude Spiro’s trial records.

The couple were in prison for nearly two years before they were brought to trial on 26 April 1938.  Leo was sentenced to 3 1/2 years in prison, with partial credit of one year six months time served; Gertrude was given 2 years in prison, with full credit for one year nine months served.  Gertrude was presumably released on 26 July 1938, after which she moved (or was expelled) to Warsaw with their daughter Sonia.  Unfortunately, Leo was never released. When his sentence was completed on 26 April 1940, he was sent immediately to the Berlin Police Prison, re-arrested, and then sent to the camps.

Leo’s prison records obtained from the International Tracing Service have provided us with the earliest records we have of Gertrude in Poland.  Buried among the many pages documenting Leo’s movement through the German prison system are two memoranda from July 1939 relating to Gertrude’s request for clemency for her husband.  Her return address was given as Walicow 7/21, Warsaw.  The correspondence reads:

*****

12119813_0_18

The Board of the Prison and Detention Center
Brandenburg (Havel) – Görden

Subject:  Clemency for the Penitentiary Prisoner Leo Spiro

Reference:  Request of 27 Jun 1939

To the Attorney General of the Appeals Court

3 July 1939

The Jewish penitentiary prisoner Leo Spiro is serving a prison sentence of 3 years 6 months, less 1 year 6 months time served, for preparing to commit a treasonable act under the above referenced case number. His release date is set at 04/26/1940. In the accompanying petition his wife, who was also convicted of preparing to commit treason to 2 years in prison in the same criminal case, requests a pardon for Leo Spiro, who is to be expelled from the Reich at the completion of his sentence. 

Spiro has, in obedience to his responsibilities during his present imprisonment, behaved in an orderly manner and performed satisfactorily. Through his offense, he has abused the hospitality granted to him by the German Empire, by supporting the illegal KDP in 1935-1936 with his actions aimed at its violent overthrow. In this respect, any requirement for the granting of a pardon is negated. I therefore reject the request.

Senior Administrative Officer

*****

12119813_0_19The Attorney General of the Appeals Court
Berlin W 35,
18 Jul 1939

Gertrud Spiro nee Priess
in Warsaw
Walicow 7/21

At the request of 23 Jun 1939, I have, after examination of the facts, found no reason to favor a pardon for your husband Leo Spiro. On the basis of my authority, I deny your request.

On behalf of
Dr. Weyermann
Attorney General

*****

The denial of Gertrude’s request for clemency for her husband sealed Leo’s fate. He never left the prison system. From the Berlin Police Prison in Berlin, he was transported to the Sachenhausen and Ravensbrück concentration camps, then to his death in the Bernburg Euthanasia Center on 25 March 1942.  He is buried in a mass grave in Berlin.

Gertrude in Warsaw

1941 General Government Directory for Poland

1941 General Government Directory

Gertrude seems to have done well in Warsaw.  The 1941 and 1942 Generalgouvernment and Warsaw telephone directories show her as the owner of a cigarette and liquor store at 2 Nowiniarksa St, about a half block from the Ghetto wall.  This is an interesting location. According to the Ringelblum Archives as quoted by Barbara Engelking in her book The Warsaw Ghetto, A Guide to the Perished City:

“The policeman Jakob Frydman set up a business smuggling goods to the ghetto. The Zglinowicz cafe in Leszno Street was the place where contacts were made.  In the cafe, Misza Waserman sat by the telephone and took calls from the Aryan side to say that the goods were ready.  Misza replied with a password, indicating the time and guard post one could enter (Wroblewska 1996, 205)”.  A similar role was played by a certain cafe on Nowiniarska St. “All the smugglers knew the telephone number 11-33-00 of that cafe, where they could come to terms among themselves and make deals with the players (AZIH, Ring I, 435)”.

The 1939-1940 Warsaw telephone directory reveals that the phone number associated with the cafe belonged to Chaim Szok, 8 Nowiniarska St.  It was located in the same building as Gertrude’s shop.

Another interesting aspect of Gertrude’s activities is that cigarettes and liquor are two of the highest priced luxuries during wartime.  According to Dr. Engelking’s book, in March 1942, a few months before the major transports from the Ghetto to Treblinka, a pack of cigarettes cost about 0.4 zlotys.  In September 1942, as the situation in the Ghetto worsened, one cigarette cost 3 zlotys.  By May 1943 during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, a single cigarette cost 250 zlotys. The price of liquor also skyrocketed.

North boundaries of the Warsaw Ghetto as of February 1941 (green line) and area excluded as of December 1941 (blue area).

Gertrude’s shop near the north Ghetto wall in a neighborhood finally excluded from the Ghetto in late 1941 (blue area).

We still don’t know how Gertrude came to own the shop on Nowiniarska St.  The Polish State Archives in Warsaw does not have property records for that address. The area was originally a Jewish neighborhood that was included in the Ghetto in early 1941. Later that same year, when the neighborhood was excluded from the Ghetto and became part of the Aryan section, shops appeared along the even number (north) side of Nowiniarska St.  Gertrude must have had the right connections to open a shop in such a prime location, especially one next door to a smuggling den.

One last detail about Gertrude is provided by a stamp in the upper right corner of her marriage certificate:

gertrudes-marriage-record-stamp-in-upper-cornerNr. 59

Berlin, 4th March 1943. Through the court order issued by the German court in Warsaw on 20 August 1941, C 495/40, was the marriage between David Leib Spiro and Gertrude Anna Spiro nee Priess dissolved.

On behalf of the registry office:  Rütter

Nr. 59

Berlin, 4 March 1943

The undersigned, resident of Warsaw, Tamkastrasse 48, declared to the German notary Doctor Albrecht Cintner, in Warsaw, that she has adopted her former surname Priess.

Judging by the case number C 495/40, Gertrude must have filed her divorce papers in mid- to late 1940.  This would have been somewhat after the date that Leo was to be released from Brandenburg Prison on 26 April 1940.  It could be that when her husband was sent to the Berlin Police Prison instead of being released, that Gertrude realized that she would never see him again and decided to divorce Leo. It could also have been a mutual decision, perhaps over concern for the safety of their daughter Sonia.  In 1940, Sonia was 15 years old.  As half-Jewish, she was officially immune from deportation from Berlin – but the laws in Warsaw were different.

PAWIAK PRISON

poles_inmates_of_pawiak_prison_hanged_by_germans_in_leszno_street__warsaw_february_11th_1944

Pawiak inmates hanged by the Gestapo at Leszno Street, 11 February 1944

Pawiak Prison was originally built in 1835 in Warsaw, to be used by the Polish judicial to incarcerate criminals, but after the Nazi invasion of Poland in 1969, it was converted into a German Gestapo prison. Approximately 100,000 men and 200,000 women passed through the prison, mostly members of the Armia Krajowa (Home Army), political prisoners, and civilians taken as hostages in street round-ups. An estimated 37,000 were executed and 60,000 sent to German death and concentration camps.  There were few known escape attempts.

Gertrude and Sonia’s were arrested and imprisoned in Pawiak on 11 May 1943.  Their names appear on a copy of a page of the prison registry sent to us by the Jewish Historical Institute, along with their date of arrest and their parents’ names.  There is no release date for them.  Regina Domanska’s book Pawiak Wiezienie Gestapo (Pawiak Gestapo Prison) provides information on their fate; the mother and daughter were among 141 women transported from Pawiak to Auschwitz on 24 August 1943. Their names also appear on the website Więżniowie Pawiaka on a list of women transported from the prison to Auschwitz. The group was assigned prisoner numbers 55778-55918.

Gertrude and Sonia's Pawiak record from the JHI 209_312 s35-2Thinking that was the end of the story for the Priess-Spiro women, I searched the Auschwitz-Berkenau Museum website to find out specifically which prison numbers Gertrude and Sonia were assigned from the group.  I made a spreadsheet cross referencing the names of the women on the transport list with their assigned numbers. To my surprise, Gertrude and Sonia were not included among the arrivals.  Assuming that the women lined up more or less in alphabetical order to receive their numbers as they were processed, there aren’t vacant numbers on the list close to “Priess” where Gertrude and Sonia would have appeared.

The comparison of the Pawiak and the Auschwitz lists is actually messier than I reported earlier.  I’d like to correct a few accounting mistakes I made in a previous chapter of this story.  Domanska’s book has 142 names on the Pawiak transport list, but according to the Auschwitz day book, only 141 female prisoners arrived at Auschwitz.  Of these arrivals, only 138 female prisoner names are associated in approximately alphabetical order  with prisoner numbers on the Auschwitz list – three numbers are vacant.

It would seem straightforward to cross reference the 142 Pawiak names with the 141 Auschwitz names to determine which women were absentees.  Of course, it is not as easy as that!  There are some complications.  Keep reading…

cover-of-auschwitz-book img019-1The process of assigning prisoner numbers at Auschwitz is described in Auschwitz 1940-1945, Central Issues in the History of the Camp, Vol II by Tadeusz Iwasko et al, pp 18-20:

Transports were received by the Auschwitz concentration camp in exchange for a receipt given to the convoy commandant (Transportführer)…When there was a discrepancy between the number of prisoners in the transport documentation (Transportliste) and the actual number of arrivals, the Auschwitz camp acknowledged the receipt of only of the number of prisoners who actually arrived, regardless of whether they were dead or alive…

One of the first acts required of new arrivals was that they line up in alphabetical order according to their surnames. Then a prisoner from the registration detail (Aufnahmekommando) drew up a handwritten list with consecutive camp serial numbers written next to the names. Each prisoner then received a small card bearing the serial number he or she had been assigned.

*****

img_1418-rotated-mentioned-gertrudes-transportauschwitz-chronicleAuschwitz Chronicles 1939-1945, by Danuta Czech, p. 469, offers further insight specifically into Gertrude’s transport as it includes excerpts from the Auschwitz day book:

August 25, 1943

Nine prisoners sent from Kattowitz [sic] receive Nos.  13873-138761.

50 Jewish men and women assigned by the Gestapo arrive with the forty-first RHSA east-transport from Berlin.  Following the selection, nine men, given Nos. 138762-138770, and 18 women, given Nos. 55758-55775, are admitted to the camp.  The other 23 deportees are killed in the gas chambers.

Two female prisoners from Kattowitz receive Nos. 55776-55777.

Nos. 138771-139645 are given to 875 male prisoners and Nos. 55778-55918 to 141 female prisoners from Pawiak Prison who have been sent to the camp by the Gestapo and the Warsaw SD.

60 prisoners sent in a group transport receive Nos. 139646-139705.

*****
From what these accounts tell us, there must have been 141 women who arrived at the camp alive.  There must have been 141 women present during the registration procedure because there were 141 numbers assigned to the group that were consecutive with the groups before and after them.

The question is:  were Gertrude and Sonia among the 141 women?  My opinion is – at least one of them, and possible both of them were absent.

Here is my logic:

  1. Regina Domanska’s book has 142 women’s names on her list of women transported to Auschwitz on 24 August 1943.  It is possible that Pawiak miscounted the number of prisoners on the transport.  Alive or dead, there were only 141 arrivals.
  2. The 141 women who arrived at Auschwitz survived long enough to be registered with the camp.  There are 141 numbers available on the list.  Numbers were not assigned to dead prisoners.
  3. Comparing the names on Domanska’s Pawiak list to the Auschwitz prisoner database reveals surprising inconsistencies:
    1. There are five women on the Pawiak list whose names are not on the Auschwitz list, reducing the number of Pawiak women known to make it to Auschwitz from 142 to 137. They are:

Priess-Spiro, Gertrude
Priess-Spiro, Sonia
Rudnik, Właclawa
Ryngwelska, Irena aka Fijałkowska, Irena
Zadja, Kazimiera

B. There is one woman on the Auschwitz list – Stanisława Fijałkowska (No. 55801)
who does not appear on the Pawiak list, increasing the number of women known to
have been registered at Auschwitz from 137 to 138,
C. According to the Auschwitz Museum website, there are three unoccupied numbers
on the Auschwitz registration list:  55873, 55885, 55905.

Which of the five women were associated with the three vacant registration numbers? Which two disappeared from the transport?

Correspondence with the Pawiak Museum. the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum, and the JHI provides some answers:

waclawa-rudnik-info-b-23-may-1920-kobylka-poland-polish

Info on Waclawa Rudnik from straty.pl

from:        Muzeum Podleglosci 
to:              Colleen Fitzpatrick
date:         Wed, Nov 26, 2014 at 1:50 AM
subject:   RE: Pawiak prisoners

From our information Irena Rogala had nr 55873 and Wacława Rudnik had nr 55875. Unfortunately we don’t have any further information, I suggest you to contact Auschwitz Archive.

Best regards,
The Museum of Pawiak Prison

*****
from:        Muzeum Podleglosci
to:              Colleen Fitzpatrick
date:        Wed, Nov 26, 2014 at 2:07 AM

According to information in our files Wacława Rudnik survived the war. When the Museum was founded in 1960s there were an appeal to contact archive and help to reconstruct the files, many prisoners of Pawiak that survived gave their testimonies, some of these testimonies were written some only oral. Wacława Rudnik left only short oral information about her imprisonment (it is all I wrote you in previous e-mail). Unfortunately we don’t know if she is still alive. Because of Protection of personal data we are not authorized to give you her address.  Best regards

The Museum of Pawiak Prison

*****
kazimiera-zajda-info-from-the-jhi-in-2014-no-watermarkfrom:    Monika Taras
to:          Colleen Fitzpatrick
date:      Tue, Dec 2, 2014 at 6:45 AM

Dear Miss Fitzpatrick,

The archives send you the scans of copy list from Bergen-Belsen with the name ZAJDA Kaziemiera born 15.08.1903.  She lived in Warszawa.  We do not know the date of that copy.  Yours sincerely,

Monika Taras

*****
According to the data from the Pawiak Museum and the JHI in Warsaw, we can account for Wlaclawa Rudnik and Kazimiera Zajda.  Wlaclawa’s absence from the Auschwitz list was a result of a clerical error.  Wlaclawa was assigned No. 55875, bumping Irena Rogala to No. 55873.  This rearrangement is consistent with the alphabetical order of the names on the list and matches one of the missing women with one of the vacant numbers.

Kazimiera’s name was probably absent for similar reasons.  Her last name Zadja fits in alphabetically at vacant No. 55905.  Bergen-Belsen was a common next destination for prisoners at Auschwitz.

55903 Wyczlińska, Anna ?
55904 Wyrembowska, Irena
55905 Zajda, Kazimiera
55906 Zielińska, Jadwiga
55918 Zielińska, Zofia

*****
Only one number remains vacant, No. 55885 with only just three candidates that can fill it: Gertrude Priess-Spiro, Sonia Priess-Spiro, and Irena Ryngwelska (Irena Fijałkowska).

The vacant number falls on the list, not in a position consistent with “Priess” but in a position consistent with “Spiro”.

55883 Sokal, Stefania
55884 Sobieraj, Józefa ?
55885
55886 Stamirowska, Anna
55887 Suchanek, Teofila ?

Another twist was introduced by Paweł Bezak, Archivist at the Pawiak Prison Museum:

from:    Paweł Bezak
to:          Colleen Fitzpatrick
date:      Sun, Dec 4, 2016 at 11:51 PM

Hi Colleen,

We don’t have any information about Stanisława Fijałkowska – only a card of Irena Fijałkowska (sending to: Irena Rynglewska). We know only that she was in a transport from Pawiak to KL Auschwitz, on August 24th, 1943.  

No, we don’t think they could be the same person. As you can see in R. Domańska’s book , some names are written in  brackets – means that somebody was arrested under false name or used that in a camp.

Nor do we. Sorry.

There is an info, that 141 of arrested women arrived to the camp – but there could be some more send to KL Auschwitz, so, at least one of them could probably die… Maybe we should consider another possibility: some prisoners could even use the names of  these, who were killed or died during transport – because they believed that had a bigger chance to survive under false names, due to their nationality or causes that they were arrested.

Regards,

Paweł

*****
There are several possibilities:

(1) The vacant number was assigned to any one of the three women and the other two were not on the transport;
(2) Irena Fijałkowska (aka Irena Ryngwelska) was the same person as Stanislawa Fijałkowska, one of the Priess-Spiro women occupied No. 55885, the other Priess-Spiro was not on the transport,
(3) One of the Priess-Spiro women took the name Stanislawa Fijałkowska, the other took the number 55885, and Irena Fijałkowska-Ryngwelska was not on the transport.

So far, we have not found other records for either of the Fijałkowska women, and the remaining empty spot on the list is consistent with the name Spiro (but not Priess-Spiro).

The status of Gertrude and her daughter Sonia could not be more ambiguous.  In two out of three of the possible scenarios, either Gertrude or Sonia or both were not on the transport.  We have never considered that Gertrude and Sonia could have been separated, or that one of them died.

I’ve already inquired about the Fijałkowska’s with the Pawiak Prison Museum, the JHI, and with the Auschwitz Museum.  Nothing has come of this so far.

THE GERMAN SOLDIER

Of the most obscure characters in this story is the German soldier who acted as the liaison with Pnina’s parents.  He was said to be the sweetheart of Sonia Spiro; some versions of the story state he lived at the same address as the Spiros – 48 Tamka St.  So far, we have not been able to confirm either of these facts, even though I have spoken to members of the Strauch and Ordega families whose relatives lived there at the time.

On my recent trip to Pawiak Prison Museum, I discovered an interesting clue to the soldier’s identity.  The Museum has a alphabetical catalog of index cards for thousands of the prisoners who passed through Pawiak.  These include cards for both Gertrude and Sonia Priess-Spiro.  The hyphenated version of their name was probably used because, after her divorce, Gertrude had returned to using her maiden name Priess, while Sonia’s continued to use the last name of her father Leo Spiro. Doubling their last name would have made it easier for them to stay together.

Gertrude has two cards on file.  We were already aware of the information on the first card, thanks to the website Więżniowie Pawiaka (Pawiak Prisoners).

img_9055-rot      img_9054-rot

Piss-Spiro, Gertruda/Sonia (notated with Priess to upper right)
24 August 1943 – sent to Auschwitz.
(CACKCP1PR, signature 202/II  t. 62  k. 41)

A second card for Gertrude provided some startling information.  It read:

img_9068-rot

Gertruda Spiro
born Prieß (Priess)

Born 24 Feb 1899 Pladiau (East Prussia), lived in Warsaw at 25 Długa St.  When she arrived at the prison, she said that she was Polish, but she also said that she was born as a native German (Reichsdeutsch) although without documents.

On 6th March 1941 she was interrogated. She had a husband, a Jew called Leo Spiro. She had a liquor store on 2 Nowiniarksa St. by the border of the ghetto, and Lotterer (from Pawiak) was coming there.  (Also see the card for Lotterer).

AGKB2H signature SIPO Warschau t. 48. i. 46
See the card for Priess-Spiro Gertruda and Priess-Spiro, Sonia

*****

Could Albert Lotterer be the German soldier we have been searching for?  Albert Lotterer has a prisoner card, too:

It reads:

Lotterer, Albert

Born 5 May 1903 Unterhausen, Kries Reutilingen, son of Eugen and Marie, wife Lina nee Mayer, occupation – employee, living in Stuttgart, Bucherstr. 11, in NSDAD [National Socialist German Workers Party – Nazi Party], from the fall of 1931 Nr. 666124, SS Nr. 71241, also from 1931.

1st Co. Reserve 13 SS Standard Stuttgart

This information was from an interrogation on 6 March 1941 from the [Übel Kriminal Oberass. z. Pr.] Criminal Court (by?) Police Sergeant of the Secret Police. Lotterer illegally commandeered goods from a man named Chinescu who was prompted to sell them(?).  (Ref III/II tl-2001/41).  On 6 March 1941, Gertrude Spiro was also interrogated.  (See also her card).  

Lotterer said that he was working in a factory for a long time.  He had no job.  So he volunteered for the FreiKorps, etc.  On 16 Nov 1939, he was taken from Pretzsch on the Elba by Berlin to the Security Police Warsaw.  He was in the Prison Guards.  He is SS Unterscharf (corporal or Jr Sergeant) at present as a Notd. Verpfl. (?), employed by the SIPO III/II D

He was punished three times for theft in 1926 (register of people who were punished), and he got six month in prison. On 13 May 1941, he got a telegram from his wife that there was a problem with her pregnancy. He got an order from Cracow for him to come, so he got three weeks’ vacation.  He should get back to the prison after the war.  He was also sent by SIPO to the position in the Waffen SS.  

AGKB2H SIPO Warsaw t. 43 i. 46

He was interrogated in Feb 1941 for fighting in the Savoy restaurant with an NCO (non-commissioned officer) and an officer of the Wehrmacht.  (AMHW – N(?)Y, SIPOW t. 106)

*****

Albert Lotterer’s card provides the first link we have found between Gertrude and a Pawiak prison guard.  It’s significant that he was a customer at her liquor store. Lotterer was probably not the only prison guard who frequented the store, but given the fact that Gertrude was interrogated for a crime committed by him, it is reasonable to assume that she knew him better than others.  Could her connection to Lotterer or another prison-guard/customer of her store explain how Gertrude and Sonia escaped from the Pawiak transport to Auschwitz?

Through inter-library loan, Cate was able to obtain a copy of the Bulletin of the Main Commission for the Investigation of Nazi Crimes Poland, that mentions Lotterer on pp 215-216:
img_9075-p-215
img_9075-p-216
Lotterer Albert – SS-Unterscharfuhrer, born 5 May 1903 (Unterhausen, Kreir Reutlingen). Communist Party No. 666124, SS No. 71241.  In November 1939 appointed to train police in Pretsch. and then directed to ACOR – paper III / II D (protective custody). Began service at Pawiak in November 1940, left in March 1941.

This is a bit more than what we knew before – the entry mentions that Lotterer left the Prison in 1941.  And we know that he was arrested in March 1941, and that in May 1941 he went to be with his wife during the birth of their child.  It’s possible he came back to Warsaw after that and got into the baby-smuggling business.  Who knows?

We are searching for Lotterer descendants, hoping they will have more information about their father or grandfather Albert. Lotterer’s card provides a lot of personal information that could be helpful for this, for example, his birthdate, his parents’ names, his wife’s name, and the fact that he had a child born in 1941.  That son or daughter might still be alive.  We’ve been looking.

Note that the SIPO file for Lotterer (AGKB2H SIPO Warsaw t. 43 i. 46) is the same as that for Gertrude, (AGKB2H SIPO Warsaw t. 48 i. 46) with the same file number (46) but a different page number (48 versus 43).  Franek, our team member from Poland, recently ordered a copy of this file from the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw.

Besides this, I’ve discovered Lotterer’s military records at the German Bundesarchiv. I expect to receive copies of his file before Christmas. I’m now waiting for a response from the Deutsche Dienstelle, the repository of historical information on German soldiers.  It would be unbelievable if somewhere in Lotterer’s military or criminal records it’s mentioned that he was arrested for smuggling, especially for smuggling babies.

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part I – Pnina, Otwoc, and the Kaczmareks

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part II – Pnina, Wolfgang, and the Warsaw Ghetto

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part III – Gertrude and Sonia Spyra

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part IV – Wolfgang and Adele’s Eyewitness Account

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part V – Gertrude and Sonia’s Escape

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part VI – Our Search for Gertrude Spiro

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VII – Gertrude’s Other Children?

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VIII – Gertrud and Leo’s Trial

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part IX – Gertrude’s Sisters!

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part X – Gertrude’s Marriage and Divorce

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XI – Berlin, Warsaw, and the German Soldier

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XII – Taking Stock

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Who Am I? What Is My Name? Part XI – Berlin, Warsaw, and the German Soldier


I recently traveled to Berlin and Warsaw to personally research in the various German and Polish archives.  My hope was to find more information about Gertrude Priess-Spiro and her circle of acquaintance and friends, towards the goal of finding the birth identity of Pnina Gutman, whom she helped smuggle from the Warsaw Ghetto in 1942.  I feel that if we can identify the people and organizations that Gertrude was involved with during the War, we may be able to find clues that lead us to Pnina’s family.

Although my initial search of the German and Polish archives was not successful, I later discovered information that may lead to the identity of the German soldier, the most obscure character in Pnina’s story, but perhaps the most important.  The German soldier was responsible for putting Pnina’s parents in touch with Gertrude Spiro who eventually arranged to have her smuggled from the Ghetto.  Identifying the German soldier would put us one step away from Pnina’s parents.

IMG_8739

Pointing the way to the reading room at the Berlin Bundesarchiv, Lichterfeld

Many of the repositories I visited did not yield new information.  Although I spent several days at the Berlin Bundearchiv Lichterfeld (German National Archives in Lichterfeld), I was only able to find a few more scraps of information about Gertrude and Leo’s trial and arrest.  I already knew the basic story from the documents that the Archives had already sent me:  The Spiros were arrested in July 1936 for allowing Communist Party members to use their apartment to hold meetings, and because Gertrude agreed to hide a typewriter used by Communist Party operative Margarete Kaufmann to produce subversive literature.

The couple was in prison for nearly two years before they were brought to trial in April 1938.  Leo was sentenced to 3 1/2 years in prison, with partial credit of one year six months time served; Gertrude was given 2 years in prison, with full credit for one year nine months served.  Gertrude was released in July 1938, after which she moved to Warsaw with their daughter Sonia.  Unfortunately, Leo was never released.  When his sentence was completed on 26 April 1940, he was sent immediately to the Berlin Police Prison, then to Sachenhausen, and then to Ravensbruck concentration camps. He died in the Bernberg Euthanasia Camp on 25 March 1942.

One new piece of information I discovered at the Bundesarchiv, however, was that although Alfred Roehrs and his wife Martha Maria Priess (Gertrude’s sister) were also arrested in connection with Gertrude’s and Leo’s activities, they successfully convinced the court that they were innocent of any wrongdoing, and were released.

img_8569

Landesarchiv Berlin

My second stop in Berlin was at the Berlin Landesarchiv (Berlin City Archives). Prior to my visit, I requested a search of the Einwohnermeldekartei (EMK), residency cards issued to all German citizens.  They found none for the extended Priess-Spiro family, including Gertrude’s parents Friedrich and Mari Priess, Gertrude, Leo, their daughter Sonia, Alfred and Berta Gerlach, and Ernst and Maria Gerlach, Gertrude’s two brothers-in-law and their wives, her sisters.  It was explained to me by the Head Archivist Martin Luchtenhandt, that many of the records had been destroyed during the war.

einwohnermeldekartei-index

The Landesarchiv Berlin holds 2.8M Einwohnermeldekartei for Berlin residents from 1875-1948. The collection is incomplete due to heavy damage during the war.

I also asked the Landesarchiv about birth records from East Prussia, where Gertrude and her two sisters were born.  I had been told that they were archived in the Landesarchiv, but even knowing from Gertrude’s marriage record that her birth had been recorded in Register No. 8 in Bladiau in 1899, was no use –  95% of the records from that area (now known as Kaliningrad) had been destroyed.

img_8562

With Martin Luchtenhandt, Head Archivist at the Berlin Landesarchiv

My last request at the Landesarchivs was related to the birth, marriage, and death records that they have not posted online.  I was hoping to find the death records of Frederich and Maria Priess, as an indication of when the family may have left their residence on Brunnenstrasse.

Unfortunately, the Landesarchiv could not offer much help.  Beyond the 1942 online death records for Berlin Mitte, the district where the Priess family lived, there were only a few years that have been digitized; otherwise the original hard copy registers have to be searched by hand. The digitized files include:

1943 Deaths
1944 Deaths
1945 Deaths K-R & S-Z
1946 Deaths

1943-berlin-city-directory-priess-p-2320

1943 Berlin city directory listings for Gertrude’s father and uncle Friedrich and August Priess

Although I found a death record for an Alfred Roehrs who was not Gertrude’s brother-in-law, along with a few Gerlachs, I could not find the death record for any member of the extended Priess-Spiro family.

The last repository I visited in Berlin was the Zentral- und Landesbibliotek (ZLB) that holds the Berlin telephone and city directories.  I had already tracked the Priess and Spiro families through 1943 using the directories that are available on the ZLB website.  The few  hard copy or microfiched directories that the ZLB has available (for both East Berlin and West Berlin) dating after the war did not have any Priess, Spiros, Gerlachs, or Roehrs family members listed.

My experience in Warsaw was also initially frustrating.  I started at the Jewish Historical Institute, but I was told they only assisted beginning genealogists with their research, and discouraged personal access to reference materials.  The JHI houses the Ringelblum Archives, a detailed chronicle of the Warsaw Ghetto created by Emanuel Ringelblum.  While this would have provided an interesting background to events in the Ghetto, it is written in Polish, and has not yet been translated into English.

img_9049My last research stop at the Pawiak Prison Museum finally brought me the success I had hoped for.  The museum’s curator Paweł Bezak gave me a thoughtful tour of the prison, commenting that it was rare for an American to visit the museum for research purposes. We walked down the main hall, where several reconstructed cells were on view.  As Paweł explained, although the cells were small, they typically held perhaps a dozen prisoners, with little room to stand or sit.  The only source of air was a small window high up on the far wall.

There was a display on children born while their mothers were prisoners, along with artwork and beautiful items of clothing that the prisoners secretly produced from scraps of cloth or string.  He guided me through exhibits on prison hygiene and the prison hospital, explaining that prisoners were often brought there to recover after torture or severe beatings, only to be returned to the prison for a second interrogation.  The hospital was nevertheless a haven where prisoners (and guards) felt safe and received excellent medical care.  The doctors were often resistance workers who passed personal messages and information to and from the outside.  In one of the rooms, there was a rogues gallery of Pawiak prisoners, notable political figures, members of the resistance, artists, musicians, writers, and others captives who are perhaps not so well known.  I promised Paweł I would send him whatever I had about Gertrude so that her picture and her bio could be added to the exhibit.

rogues-gallery

As Paweł explained, not much of the original structure remained; it was mostly destroyed in 1944 by the Nazis, along with about half of the prison’s documentation. Only part of the front gate and a cell door or two survived intact along with the memorial tree in front of the prison.  The women’s section, known as Serbia, was completely destroyed; it was once located across what is now the main boulevard Aleja Jana Pawla II.

At the end of the tour, Paweł and I went to the museum office to look through the large alphabetical card file of Pawiak prisoners.  He pulled cards on Gertrude Piss-Spiro and Sonia Piss-Spiro.  I was already aware of the information on these cards from the list of Pawiak prisoners discovered online by Cate Bloomquist a while back.

img_9055-rot      img_9054-rot

Piss-Spiro, Gertruda/Sonia (notated with Priess to upper right)
24 August 1943 – sent to Auschwitz.
(CACKCP1PR, signature 202/II  t. 62  k. 41)

Surprisingly, Paweł discovered a second card for Gertrude.  It read:

img_9068-rot

Gertruda Spiro
born Prieß (Priess)

Born 24 Feb 1899 Pladiau (East Prussia), lived in Warsaw at 25 Długa St.  When she arrived at the prison, she said that she was Polish, but she also said that she was born as a native German (Reichsdeutsch) although without documents.

On 6th March 1941 she was interrogated. She had a husband, a Jew called Leo Spiro. She had a liquor store on 2 Nowiniarksa St. by the border of the ghetto, and Lotterer (from Pawiak) was coming there.  (Also see the card for Lotterer).

AGKB2H signature SIPO Warschau t. 48. i. 46
See the card for Priess-Spiro Gertruda and Priess-Spiro, Sonia

*****

I gasped.  Could Albert Lotterer be the German soldier we have been searching for?  I asked Paweł to find Lotterer’s card.

It read:

Lotterer, Albert

Born 5 May 1903 Unterhausen, Kries Reutilingen, son of Eugen and Marie, wife Lina nee Mayer, occupation – employee, living in Stuttgart, Bucherstr. 11, in NSDAD [National Socialist German Workers Party – Nazi Party], from the fall of 1931 Nr. 666124, SS Nr. 71241, also from 1931.

1st Co. Reserve 13 SS Standard Stuttgart

This information was from an interrogation on 6 March 1941 from the [Übel Kriminal Oberass. z. Pr.] Criminal Court (by?) Police Sergeant of the Secret Police.  Lotterer illegally commandeered goods from a man named Chinescu who was prompted to sell them(?).  (Ref III/II tl-2001/41).  On 6 March 1941, Gertrude Spiro was also interrogated.  (See also her card).  

Lotterer said that he was working in a factory for a long time.  He had no job.  So he volunteered for the FreiKorps, etc.  On 16 Nov 1939, he was taken from Pretzsch on the Elba by Berlin to the Security Police Warsaw.  He was in the Prison Guards.  He is SS Unterscharf (corporal or Jr Sergeant) at present as a Notd. Verpfl. (?), employed by the SIPO III/II D

He was punished three times for theft in 1926 (register of people who were punished), and he got six month in prison. On 13 May 1941, he got a telegram from his wife that there was a problem with her pregnancy. He got an order from Cracow for him to come, so he got three weeks’ vacation.  He should get back to the prison after the war.  He was also sent by SIPO to the position in the Waffen SS.  

AGKB2H SIPO Warsaw t. 43 i. 46

He was interrogated in Feb 1941 for fighting in the Savoy restaurant with an NCO (non-commissioned officer) and an officer of the Wehrmacht.  (AMHW – N(?)Y, SIPOW t. 106)

*****

This translation may not be exact.  For example, we could not decipher whether Albert Lotterer stole property from someone named Chinescu or from someone from China. Either way, Albert Lotterer’s card provides an important link between Gertrude and a Pawiak prison guard.  It is unlikely that Lotterer was the only prison guard who was a customer of her liquor store, but given the fact that Gertrude was interrogated for a crime committed by him, it is reasonable to assume that she knew him better than some of the others.  Could her connection to Lotterer explain how Gertrude and Sonia escaped from the transport to Auschwitz?

Lotterer’s card provides a lot of information that could be used to find him in the German records – his birthdate, his parents’ names, his wife’s name, and the fact that he had a child born in 1941.  That son or daughter might still be alive.

So far, we have not discovered very much about Albert Lotterer, but we are on the job. Through inter-library loan, Cate was able to obtain a copy of the Bulletin of the Main Commission for the Investigation of Nazi Crimes Poland, that mentions Lotterer on pp 215-216:
img_9075-p-215
img_9075-p-216
Lotterer Albert – SS-Unterscharfuhrer, born5 May 1903 (Unterhausen, Kreir Reutlingen). Communist Party No. 666124, SS No. 71241.  In November 1939 appointed to train police in Pretsch. and then directed to ACOR – paper III / II D (protective custody). Began service at Pawiak in November 1940, left in March 1941.

This is a bit more than what we knew before – the entry mentions that Lotterer left the Prison in 1941.  And we know that he was arrested in march 1941, and that in May 1941 he went to be with his wife during the birth of their child.  It’s possible he came back to Warsaw after that and got into the baby-smuggling business.  Who knows?

We are now searching for Lotterer descendants, hoping they will have more information about their father or grandfather Albert.  I’ve already written to the Deutsche  Dienstelle, the repository of historical information on German soldiers.  I also have a friend who is traveling to the US National Archives in Washington next week who has promised to search for information on Lotterer that might be in the Archives’ German military collections.  I’ve checked Facebook and the German phone book for Lotterers, and will follow up with what I discover in the near future.

More later…

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part I – Pnina, Otwoc, and the Kaczmareks

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part II – Pnina, Wolfgang, and the Warsaw Ghetto

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part III – Gertrude and Sonia Spyra

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part IV – Wolfgang and Adele’s Eyewitness Account

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part V – Gertrude and Sonia’s Escape

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part VI – Our Search for Gertrude Spiro

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VII – Gertrude’s Other Children?

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VIII – Gertrud and Leo’s Trial

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part IX – Gertrude’s Sisters!

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part X – Gertrude’s Marriage and Divorce

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XI – Berlin, Warsaw, and the German Soldier

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XII – Taking Stock

Posted in Finding Birth Parents, Historical Identifications, Holocaust Project, Uncategorized, Unsolved Mysteries | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 5 Comments

For Immediate Release – Grant from the Elie Wiesel Jewish Studies Center, Boston University


bu-logoThe Center for Professional Education at Boston University has been awarded a competitive grant from Jewish Cultural Endowment Fund of the Elie Wiesel Center for Jewish Studies to hold a one-day workshop “Holocaust Survival and Reunion Stories:  Separating Fact from Fiction Using Genealogical Research Techniques”.

photo-july-2010The workshop will be conducted by internationally recognized forensic genealogist Colleen Fitzpatrick, PhD, founder of Identifinders International.  Dr. Fitzpatrick will focus on stories of child survivors and their efforts to connect with their birth families, covering five topics:

  1.  Introduction to Holocaust Research
  2. Discerning the True from the False when the Impossible is the Norm
  3. The Mascot – A Holocaust Literary Fraud?
  4. Holocaust Archives and Repositories
  5. Who Am I?  What is My Name?  – The True Story of Pnina Gutman

The workshop will take place on the Boston University Campus, on a Sunday during the spring semester 2017.  It will consist of lectures, case studies, small group discussions, and information about Holocaust archives and resources.  The event will be open to the Boston University community.  Attendees will not be required to have a background in genealogical research. The focus will be toward a lay audience interested in learning more about the topic.  The workshop will be free; attendance will be limited to 40 people. Preregistration is required.

Information on location and time and how to register will be posted as it becomes available.

Posted in About Me, DNA Testing, Finding Birth Parents, Historical Identifications, Holocaust Project, Unsolved Mysteries | Tagged , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Who Am I – What Is My Name – Part X – Gertrude’s Marriage and Divorce


By now, everyone who reads this should know Gertrude Priess-Spiro, the woman who arranged to have Pnina Gutman smuggled from the Warsaw Ghetto in August or September 1942.  New information about her has recently been discovered that provides details about her marriage to Leo Spiro.  It also explains why she was listed under her maiden name Gertrude Priess-Spiro on the Pawiak transport records to Auschwitz.

google-maps-176-brunnenstrasse

Location of 176 Brunnenstrasse, Berlin

During my recent trip to Berlin, I was able to visit the address at 176 Brunnenstrasse, where Gertrude grew up and lived for a while after she was married.  The building is about three blocks south of what was once the Berlin Wall running along Bernauer Str.  It is located at the intersection of Brunnenstrasse and Invalidenstrasse, across from the Volkspark am Weinbergsweg. Interestingly, the address is a few doors down from 186 Brunnenstrasse, where Alfred Roehrs lived in the 1930s and 1940s with his wife Martha Maria Priess, Gertrude’s sister and about two blocks away from the intersection of Brunnenstrasse with Anklamer Strasse, where Alfred Roehrs had his furniture store at Anklamer Str. 52 in the 1920s.

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176 Brunnenstrasse, Berlin, where Gertrude Priess grew up.

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186 Brunnenstrasse

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1923 - p 39 - Marked Up1923 - p 39 - Excerpt

 

 

Thanks to the Standesamtsregister Landesarchiv Berlin, I recently discovered what I thought might be Gertrude and Leo’s marriage certificate on their website. According to their marriage index, they were wed 3 February 1923 in Bezirk No 6 (6th District) in Berlin.  However, I was not sure this was theirs.  Although the only other two Priess marriages I had seen in the index were those of Gertrude’s two sisters Bertha and Martha, I misinterpreted the second column to be the name of the bride, and the word did not seem to match the spelling of the name Priess.  As it was explained to me later by an archivist at the Berlin Landesarchiv, the column was actually the profession of the groom – in Leo’s case – “shoemaker”.

When I asked the Landeesarchiv for a search for Gertrude’s marriage record without mentioning what I had found online in the index, the Landesarchiv confirmed that the entry from 1923 was correct and send me the document.

It yielded some startling information about the couple.

Gertrude and Leo's Marriage Record_1 Gertrude and Leo's Marriage Record_2

The marriage record states that on 3 February 1923, a marriage license was granted to David Leib Spiro, a shoemaker, born 15 March 1897 in Garwolin, Kries Lublin, residing in Berlin at Bruckenstrasse 10, and Gertrude Anna Priess, milliner, born 24 February 1899 in Bladiau, Kreis Heilengebiel, East Prussia,  residing in Berlin, at Brunnenstrasse 176.  The license was witnessed by Friedrich Priess, wagon driver, 50 years old, residing at 175-177 Brunnenstrasse (presumably the father of the bride), and Otto Schade, (can’t read occupation), 45 years old, residing in Berlin at Bruckenstrasse 10 (presumably a friend of the groom).

gertrudes-signature-from-her-marriage-recordFor the first time, we have Gertrude’s signature.

 

gertrudes-marriage-record-stamp-in-upper-cornerAn interesting bit of information is the stamp in the upper right corner of the first page of the license.  It reads:

*****

Nr. 59

Berlin, 4th March 1943. Through the court order issued by the German court in Warsaw on 20 August 1941, C 495/40, was the marriage between David Leib Spiro and Gertrude Anna Spiro nee Priess dissolved.

On behalf of the registry office:  Rütter

Nr. 59

Berlin, 4 March 1943

The undersigned, resident of Warsaw, Tamkastrasse 48, declared to the German notary Doctor Albrecht Cintner, in Warsaw, that she has adopted her former surname Priess.

Judging by the case number C 495/40, Gertrude must have filed her divorce papers in mid- to late 1940.  This would have been about the time, or somewhat after the date Leo was to be released from Brandenburg Prison on 20 April 1940.  It could be that when Leo was sent to the Berlin Police Prison instead of being released, that Gertrude realized that she would never see him again and decided to divorce Leo. It could also have been a mutual decision, perhaps over concern for the safety of their daughter Sonia.  In 1940, Sonia was 15 years old.  As half-Jewish, she was officially immune from deportation from Berlin, but the laws were different in Warsaw.

It is curious that Gertrude was still listed by her married name Spiro in the 1941 and 1942 Generalgouvernement telephone directories even though her divorce was finalized in August 1941.  The 1941 directory was probably already published and in use – it could be the information for the 1942 directory was published sometime in 1941 before her divorce became official.  Note that 4 March 1943 was only the date the Spiro’s marriage record was stamped in Berlin with the information about their divorce and Gertrude’s name change. Gertrude started using her maiden name again about the time of her divorce, and it took a while to have the divorce and her name change registered in Berlin.

*****

Armed with the new information about Gertrude’s divorce, I contacted the Archiwum Panstwowe w Warszawie (Polish State Archives in Warsaw) for a search of the records of the German Court in Warsaw.  The USHMM has only some of the collection- the rest is at the Archives in Warsaw.  The response to my request was disappointing:  The letter reads:

polish-national-archives-gmail-kwerenda_1

The Polish National Archives in Warsaw

Your inquiry of 15 Jul 2016
Number:  0-1.634.410.2016
Date:  18 Aug 2016

In reply to your inquiry we kindly inform you that a search was carried out in the following surviving and incomplete collections for information about Gertrude Priess-Spiro and Soni Priess-Spiro, who were in Pawiak prison, and then transported to the Auschwitz concentration camp during World War II:

Special Court in Warsaw 1939-1944, – 72/643/0,
German court in Warsaw 1940-1944, – 72/1207/0,
Higher German Court 1940-1944, – 72/3703/0,
The prosecution at the Special Court in Warsaw, – 72/1601/0,
The District Court in Warsaw 1917-1944, – 72/639/0,
Court Grodzki in Warsaw 1939-1944, – 72/1946/0,
Prosecutor of the Regional Court in Warsaw, 1917-1944, – 72/640/0,
Office of the Chief of the Warsaw District 1939-1945, – 72/482/0,
Off of the Chief of the Warsaw Dist SS and Police Leader in Warsaw 1939-1944, – 72/482/0,
The collection of documents from the period of World War II 1939-1945, – 72/1978/0.

No documents were found that could be positively identified. In addition, we
did not find any evidence related to the divorce of Gertrude Priess-Spiro.

In addition, we note that we do not have in our collection any materials on the civil status of Jews from the Garwolin area, or notary acts of Albert Cintera, making it impossible to find a birth certificate for Leo Spiro or documents relating to the name change by Gertrude Priess-Spiro.

To continue the search, we must have the address (street and house number) in Warsaw of the persons you wish to research.  Please send this information.

Furthermore, we would like to point out that we do not have information on where you can find records on the civil status of Jews from Garwolin in 1897.

If you have interest in further research, we advise you to contact the Jewish Historical Institute, ul. Tłomackie 3/5, 00-090 Warsaw and Pawiak Prison Museum, Branch Museum of Independence Street, Dzielna 24/26, 00-162 Warsaw.

*****

Of course, I wrote them immediately with Gertrude’s various addresses and dates:

Gertrude’s residence:

Waliców 7/21     June 1939
Długa 5                March 1941
Tamka 48            1941 – 11 May 1943

Gertrude’s liquor store:

Nowiniarska 2     1941-May 1943

answer-about-gertrudes-addresses-28-sep-2016Their response was that they don’t have books of residents for the street addresses: Waliców 7/21,  Długa 5 and Tamka 48.  They also state that Gertrude’s shop at 2 Nowiniarska St. is not registered in the Fond of District Court for Warsaw / Dept of Trade / Part A, but they don’t specify which years this Fond covers.

We will keep trying…

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part I – Pnina, Otwoc, and the Kaczmareks

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part II – Pnina, Wolfgang, and the Warsaw Ghetto

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part III – Gertrude and Sonia Spyra

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part IV – Wolfgang and Adele’s Eyewitness Account

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part V – Gertrude and Sonia’s Escape

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part VI – Our Search for Gertrude Spiro

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VII – Gertrude’s Other Children?

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VIII – Gertrud and Leo’s Trial

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part IX – Gertrude’s Sisters!

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part X – Gertrude’s Marriage and Divorce

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XI – Berlin, Warsaw, and the German Soldier

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XII – Taking Stock

Posted in Finding Birth Parents, Historical Identifications, Holocaust Project, Uncategorized | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Calendar of Upcoming Events


Calendar
October 2016 through March 2017 

October 20, 2016

2:30 pm
Forensic Genealogy:  The Database Detective

6:30 pm
The Secrets of Abraham Lincoln’s DNA

The Polish Genealogical Society of Massachusetts & the Chicopee Public Library
Chicopee Public Library
449 Front Street, Chicopee, MA  01013

Contact:
Barbara Kulig
bkulig@charter.net

*****

October 22, 2016

1:45 – 3:00 pm
Six Degrees of Separation

3:30 – 4:45
A Different Kind of DNA Talk

The Polish Genealogical Society of Connecticut and the Northeast

Contact:
Diane Sepanski
szepanski3@cox.net
(860) 919-6333

*****

October 24, 2016

Forensic Genealogy

West Virginia Department of Forensics and Investigative Science
208 Oglebay Hall
P.O. Box 6121
Morgantown, WV 26506-6121

*****

January 18, 2017
7:00 pm Eastern Standard Time

Webinar:  You Will Never Look at Your Old Photos the Same Way Again

The Georgia Genealogical Society

Contact:
Laura Carter
laurawilliamscarter@gmail.com

*****

January 25, 2017

Forensic Genealogy

National Forensic Academy Forensic Symposium
1201 Oak Ridge Turnpike #101,
Oak Ridge, TN 37830

Contact:
Daniel G. Anselment
Training Consultant
Law Enforcement Innovation Center
Daniel.Anselment@tennessee.edu
865-946-3201

*****

January 29, 2017
12:00 noon

Forensic Genealogy:  CSI Meets Roots

Czech Area Genealogical Society
Jagerhaus Restaurant
2525 E Ball Rd
Anaheim, CA 92806

Contact:
Judy Broberg
sleuthjb@pacbell.net

*****

February 8 – 11, 2017
Session Times TBD

Session 91203
Resources for International Searches

Session 91224
Hospital Records – An Untapped Goldmine 

Session 91485
Fun with Photos–The Sheboygan Dead Horse Picture

Session 92076
How to Find Living People using Global Technology

RootsTech
Salt Palace Convention Center
100 South West Temple
Salt Lake City, Utah 84101

*****

February 13-18, 2017

The Mysterious Case of Lori Ruff – Solved!
The Tamam Shud Mystery – Old Case, Modern Forensics

The American Academy of Forensic Sciences
69th Annual Scientific Meeting
Hyatt Regency New Orleans
601 Loyola Ave
New Orleans, LA 70113

*****

March 1, 2017
12:45 pm

Solving Mysteries through Forensic Genealogy

P.E.O.
Philanthropic Educational Organization
Location TBD in Villa Park, CA

Contact:
Jill Kuli
djkuli@roadrunner.com
714-998-4956

*****

March 17, 2017

What is Forensic Genealogy Anyway?

South Orange County California Genealogical Society
Family History Library
27976 Marguerite Parkway
Mission Viejo, California  92692

Contact:
Arlene O’Donnell
silkberry@aol.com

*****

Spring Semester 2017

Holocaust Survival and Reunion Stories:  Separating Fact from Fiction Using Genealogical Research Techniques

Interactive workshop sponsored by the Elie Wiesel Center for Jewish Studies Jewish Cultural Endowment and Boston University Center for Professional Education

Boston University
Location and time TBD

Posted in About Me, Calendar, Uncategorized | Leave a comment

ISHI 27 – David O’Shea and the Grandmothers of the Plaza


logoThis year’s International Symposium on Human Identification (ISHI27) was amazing.  Top DNA researchers from the international community attended, along with forensic specialists and law enforcement personnel interested in advancements in DNA technology.  The topics ranged from DNA phenotyping with ever-more-accurate predictions of hair color, eye color, and ethnicity, to the sexual assault kit backlog, to Rapid DNA analysis for mass disasters and missing persons cases.  The Wednesday afternoon session on Interesting Cases was my favorite, featuring the identification of the remains found at the Dozier School for Boys and how the Grim Sleeper serial killer was identified through familial searching.

davidosheaThe keynote was given at the Tuesday opening session by internationally recognized video journalist David O’Shea. O’Shea is known for his tough journalism. He has traveled the world to interview warlords, smugglers, military leaders and politicians on both sides of international conflicts.

O’Shea addressed the conference on his documentary on the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo (Asociación Civil Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo), a human rights organization formed in Argentina in 1977 in response to the disappearance of hundreds of children who were either kidnapped or born to mothers who were “disappeared” political dissidents during the country’s “Dirty War” in 1974-1983.  It was discovered that after giving birth, the captive mothers were executed, and their children were sold or given to families supporting the military government regime – sometimes the killers themselves.  By stealing the children of the disappeared, the junta believed that it would not only eliminate its political opponents, it would also eliminate their children.  They would not grow up with the political views of their parents.

As O’Shea explained, pregnant captives were fed better, and then kept alive for some time after the birth of their children so they could nurse them.  The mothers were then executed and the babies were take home by their killers or to childless couples who were politically aligned with the regime.  It is estimated that about 500 babies were either kidnapped or born in captivity.

plaza-de-mayo-692x300The Grandmothers started their marches in the Plaza de Mayo in 1977, at the height of the kidnapping and executions of left-wing activists.  They were fearless in their demands that Argentine dictator Jorge Rafael Videla account for their grandchildren. Their efforts led to the creation of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team and the National DNA Databank. In 1984, the first child was identified by genetic testing with the assistance of Dr. Marie-Claire King, a geneticist at the University of California at Berkeley.

The President of the Grandmothers of the Plaza, Estela Barnes de Carlotto, 85, was nominated for the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize.

estela-frente

Estela Barnes de Carlotto

In November 1977, Estela was a school principal in Buenos Aires when her daughter Laura was abducted by a military death squad. In April 1978 she learned from one of Laura’s fellow prisoners that Laura was still alive and that she was pregnant with a baby that would be born in June. In August, Estela was called to the police station to retrieve Laura’s corpse.  She was told she was “privileged” to have the opportunity. Laura had been shot in the stomach and her face had been smashed with a rifle butt.

Realizing that there were many other grandmothers like herself who were searching for their lost grandchildren, she helped found the Association of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, named after the city square facing the presidential palace in downtown Buenos Aires.  Since the Grandmother’s first recovery in 1984, 119 stolen children have been identified.  In 1989, Estela became their president.

Quien soy yo? is a video on YouTube that documents a visit Estela made to an elementary school in 1985, shortly after Argentina’s return to democracy.  In the film, she explains to a class how the children came to be stolen, and how the Grandmothers were working to reunite them with their families. She explains that Tatiana and Mara, the first two children who were identified as stolen, were allowed to stay with their adoptive families. The children were secure and happy living with the only families they had ever known, and their biological parents were dead.

Along the way, there were stories that brought up policy issues.  Should parents of stolen children be sent to prison?  They were the only parents the stolen children had ever known.  Many were good parents, with no knowledge they had adopted a stolen child. Some parents did not want their children to give DNA to the Databank, and put pressure on them not to contact the Grandmothers. Some children ran away from the Grandmothers to Uruguay or Paraguay.

One of the case histories O’Shea presented was that of “Juan” who was born in a detention center.  His mother was killed, and he was taken home by a military police officer. He was the 77th child recovered.

Juan was 26 years old when he discovered his true identity.  He had had a lot of self doubts about himself, but he brushed them aside.  He felt so different from the family he had grown up with.  It was logical to him to find out that he was not their son.  He keeps in touch with his sister, but he does not see his father.  He cannot forgive his mother for not speaking out.

“Gustavo” grew up with his mother and her sister. His mother showered him with love, but he was wracked with self doubts.  Ever since he was 12 years old, he had asked about his father, but his mother was evasive and refused to answer his questions.  She said his father had been killed in an accident.  He asked what kind of accident.  Her answer was vague.  He asked where the accident happened.  She wouldn’t tell him.

He started looking for his father assuming his mother was his mother, and that he was the product of a one night stand.  His mother died when he was 14 years old, taking the secret to her grave.  After that, Gustavo had a mental breakdown and hit rock bottom.

When Gustavo finally took the DNA test, he was amazed to discover his mother was an impostor.  His name was really Marco and not Gustavo.  Finding his birth parents and his true identity was the incentive he needed to turn his life around. Marco was calm and at peace, but his alter ego Gustavo had been on drugs.

Marco had not gone to take the DNA earlier out of his innocent love and loyalty to the “mother” who had shaped his character.  He could not believe his birth grandmother had been looking for him.  He was deeply moved that she had never given up her search. He could not imagine the fear his adoptive mother experienced in keeping her secret – his picture was on the banner the Grandmother carried on their marches every week around the Plaza de Mayo.

There are now 18,000 samples in the National Genetic Databank at the Carlos Durand Hospital in Buenos Aires.  On the average, five to eight people a day donate samples to the databank or give samples in the provinces.  There is also a separate databank that contains DNA from mass graves with the hope of identifying the lost parents.

O’Shea commented that anyone can walk into an embassy anywhere in the world and give a sample, because some of the perpetrators fled overseas.  Last month, there was a case in Paraguay where DNA from bone samples was matched to surviving family members of stolen children in Argentina.  O’Shea himself came across a woman from Argentina who was living in Wellington, New Zealand. He encouraged her to donate a sample because she suspected she could be a stolen child.

ernestinaThe most controversial case has been that of Ernestina Herrera de Noble, a prominent Argentinian publisher and executive.  She is also the largest shareholder of the Grupo Clarín media conglomerate and director of the flagship publication Clarínthe Spanish language newspaper with the highest circulation in the world.  In 1976, Noble adopted two infants, Felipe and Marcella.  Suspecting they might be stolen children, the Grandmothers spent two years trying to obtain their adoption records.  The adoptions were unofficial and done through the church.  Ernestina claimed that she had found the children on her doorstep, but because the family lawyers fought so hard to prevent DNA testing, the Grandmothers became suspicious that the two children had been stolen.

In 2001, Felipe and Marcela agreed to be DNA tested and their results were compared to the two families who were suing them over the matter.  However, the tests indicated there was no relationship.

In 2009 Ernestina agreed that the children could be tested through the Forensic Medical Court, but the Grandmothers believed the court to be corrupt. They insisted the children be tested by the National Databank since it had the only regulated laboratory available.

Instead, Felipe and Marcella’s homes were raided, and DNA samples obtained from the children’s clothing and other personal items were submitted to the National Databank. Unfortunately, the samples were contaminated, so that the results were inconclusive. DNA of two men and a woman was obtained from Felipe’s shirt; his socks yielded no DNA at all. Marcella’s socks produced a mixture of DNA from three individuals.

In April 2010, Marcella Noble told the Associated Press:

FILE - This June 3, 2010 file photo, shows Marcela Noble, left, and her brother Felipe Noble, posing for pictures after an interview with The Associated Press in Buenos Aires. The adopted children of Ernestina Herrera de Noble, the owner of Grupo Clarin, one of Latin America's largest media companies, decided June 17, 2011 to voluntarily undergo DNA tests, in order to determine their identities, comparing their samples with such left by relatives of political dissidents who were killed after giving birth in captivity during the 1976-1983 dictatorship. (AP Photo/Natacha Pisarenko, file)

Marcela and Felipe Noble

Our identity is ours. It’s a private thing and I don’t think it’s up to the state or the Grandmothers to come and tell us what is ours.

Her statement did not go down well with the public. Shortly after this, the government passed a law authorizing DNA testing for cases relating to crimes against humanity, including kidnapping children.

A court ruling in 2011 forced the collection of saliva, to which the Noble children surprisingly agreed. Yet a comparison of Felipe and Marcella’s DNA was not permitted against the entire databank; a comparison was permitted with only about 50 families who were thought to be related. Although a relationship with the majority of the families was ruled out, there were a few results that were inconclusive.  While the Noble family was satisfied that this indicated Felipe and Marcela were not stolen children, the Grandmothers insisted that a DNA match might be found in the future to families who have not yet come forward to donate samples to the databank.

The case created a debate about the ethics of forced testing. For the Grandmothers, it was never a moral dilemma.  It was a crime to steal babies – so many people were affected. Estela had decided that Ernestina was guilty, and most people agreed.  However, Estela realized that DNA testing was an invasive process – scenes at the Noble house had made her feel uncomfortable.  In the future,  she realized that individual compulsory testing must be done with more sensitivity.

Marco believes that if Felipe and Marcella are children of the disappeared, having them tested will bring peace for everyone.  Marco’s kids knew him as Gustavo; they had to adjust to living with Marcos, a new guy.  He was the same person, but a new person at the same time.

madariaga-and-father-1e857f8f4794bda18c3e45ce13b9de7523738b99-s800-c85

Francisco Madariaga and his father Abel.

Reunion #101 was that of Francisco, a street performer who proved to be the son of Estela’s secretary Abel, whose pregnant wife had disappeared 30 years earlier. Francisco had been adopted by an intelligence officer who worked at Campo de Mayo hospital where he was born in 1977.  Abel and Francisco were reunited at the Grandmother’s office.  Because of his adoptive father’s cruelty, Francisco had left home when he was 16 years old and since then had lived on the street.  His father had been was one of the kidnappers and torturers.  Francisco has testified against him in court.

In 2014, Francisco’s story was eclipsed by that of Ignacio Hurban, Child #114, who proved to be Estela’s missing grandson.  After 36 years, at the age of 85 years old, she was finally reunited with him.  Ignacio had just discovered that he had been adopted, and shortly thereafter, found himself sitting next to his grandmother, the most respected woman in Argentina and one of the most famous women in the world.  Shortly after his reunion with Estela, he changed his name to Ignacio Guido Montoya Carlotto.  Guido was the name his mother had given him at birth, after his grandfather, Estela’s husband.

There are about 380 more children to be found.  When President Obama visited Buenos Aires in March 2016 for the 40th anniversary anniversary of the coup that began the military crackdown of labor unions and leftist opponents, he remarked:

We’ll cannot forget the past.  But when we find the courage to confront it, when we find the courage to change that past, that’s when we build a better future.  

estela-de-carlotto-and-ig-009-1

Estela Barnes de Carlotto with her newly found grandson Ignacio

Posted in DNA Testing, Finding Birth Parents, Historical Identifications, Uncategorized | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Extreme Genealogy – Arrival in Berlin and First Visit to the Berlin Bundesarchiv


Flight to Berlin and Arrival
Thursday, August 11, 2016

My trip from Los Angeles to Berlin went smoothly with a layover in Keflavik Interntional Airport.  It is the cleanest airport in the world. It felt more like an igloo than an airport – snug from the elements.  Yet it was a beehive of activity – with people snacking in one of several cozy cafes, or browsing the stores which naturally offer beautiful Icelandic sweaters and other products. The sandwiches are the most beautiful sandwiches I have ever seen. I was tempted to exchange $10 for Icelandic krona at the money exchange, but thriftiness got the better of me.

The gates are small- there is no waiting area.  When it is time to board, you just queue up in front of the door leading to the gateway.

IMG_8560

Keflavik Airport has the most beautiful sandwiches in the world!

There were people sleeping here and there on the benches along the concourse, but it didn’t seem to disturb anyone.  They were obviously tired travelers needing some shuteye during their layovers.

I finally arrived in Berlin Schoenefeld Airport near 11:30 am.  I didn’t have to pass through customs – I guess that happened in Keflavik without me realizing it.  It was all so painless.

Berlin Schoenefeld Airport is a relatively small airport, easy to navigate.  Many people speak English.  There are ATM machines in the lobby and it’s easy to buy a bus ticket or get a cab.  Public transportation is abundant and everyone is very helpful.

Berlin Schoenefeld Airport

Berlin Shoenefeld Airport

Berlin is an amazing city – so open and so easy to get around.  Berlin’s BVG public transportation system is wonderful.  You can get anywhere.  In preparing for my trip, I chose to stay at the Best Western Steglitz because it is nested in a tangle of bus routes and near both S-Bahn (light rail) and an U-Bahn (subway) stops.  There is a supermarket next to the hotel, and a small plaza in front surrounded by a number of cafes, restaurants, and bakeries. There is also a shopping mall and at least two banks across the street.

Best Western Ssteglitz Hotel International

Best Western Steglitz International

I arrived at my hotel at about 1:00.  After I got settled in my room, I headed directly for the Bundesarchiv Lichterfeld– the branch of the German National Archives in Berlin.  The Bundesarchiv is only a 15 minute bus ride on Bus 85 or Bus 285 (plus a 10 minute walk) from the hotel- or a 25 minute trip on the S1 with a transfer to Bus X11 bus that leaves you just about at the main gate.

The Bundesarchiv is divided into seven branches, each  responsible for a different aspect of the preservation of documents, film, and photographs relating to German history.  The branch in Lichterfeld is the repository for documents from the German Reich, the DDR (German Democratic Republic) and SAPMO (Foundation Archives of Parties and Mass Organisations of the GDR).  It also holds 1.7 million books, newspapers and periodicals are kept here for research into recent German history.

I have been interested in visiting the Bundearchiv Lichterfeld because of my research into Gertrude Spiro, the woman who smuggled my friend Pnina from the Warsaw Ghetto in 1942.  If you don’t know who Gertrude is by now, pleaae read the first couple of articles I have written about her.

IMG_8739

On the way to the Lesesaal at the Bundesarchiv, Berlin Lichterfeld

In getting set for my visit to the archives, I ordered files over several weeks before my arrival. Note that the Archives requires at least five days’ notice to retrieve files for you if you want them to be available when you arrive. After that, you can request them for the following day.

My initial contact was Herr Günter Wehner, the editor of the book Widerstand in Berlin gegen das Nazi Regime.  Herr Wehner is a scholar of the German resistance during WWII, and visits the Archives three times a week.  Over the last twenty years or so, has compiled an index of about 20k names and short biographies of members of the resistance in Berlin during the war.  It was in those indexes that Cate Bloomquist discovered that Leo and Gertrude Spiro had been arrested in 1936 and put on trial for “preparing to commit treason”.

Widerstand in BerlinHerr Wehner was kind enough to contact the archives about the actual trial records- his book is mainly an index. He quickly came up with a list of possible records, but on further inquiry, he focused on only one record describing Gertrude and Leo’s indictment and sentencing.  It was an amazing account of their activities during the period leading to and during their trial. They were actually in prison for 18 months before they were even sentenced.  Other records were available, but as far as I could understand, they were part of an extensive transcript of the trial of the resistance leaders Margarete Kaufmann and Gustav Urbschat.  The Archives obviously did not have the resources to comb the thousand-page transcript for mentions of the Spiros.

herr_wehner

Herr Gunnar Wehner, author of Widerstand in Berlin gegen das Nazi Regime.

In preparing for my trip, I had placed a stream of requests for all the documents that were on Herr Wehner’s original list, plus several others pertaining to the Roehrs and Gerlachs.  I wanted to make sure I would have a continuous supply of reading material aMargarete Kaufmannvailable and would not have to waste time waiting for a file to be pulled.

The archivists in the reading room seemed to be expecting me, as they had a large stack of folders waiting for me when I walked in. Unfortunately it only took me a few minutes to realize that most of them were not the files I had ordered.

There were a number of mistakes. For example, instead of files from signature R2018, they had pulled files from signature R2017.  There were also two other files from RY55 on microfiche that had nothing to do with Gestapo indictments and sentencing, but rather with international bank loans made to Germany.  These were on the original list, and had been discounted as being relevant, but the Archives wanted me to see them for myself. Considering two other references (R 58/3687, Blatt 112 and R 58/3688, Blatt 186) were so detailed – down to the “blatt” or page number- I was suspicious.  Surely there must be something there that perhaps was badly referenced. It was only later that the mistake was corrected, and I was able to collect a list of resistance workers who had been indicted from 1936 that included Alfred Roehrs and his wife Martha Maria Priess.

Leo and Gertude's trial records p1

Leo and Gertude’s indictment p1

Leo and Gertrude's trial records p2

Leo and Gertrude’s indictment p2

However there was one file that made up for all of the confusion – the original trial records of Leo and Gertrude Spiro.  Herr Grunwald had sent me electronic copies weeks ago, but there was something so thrilling about actually holding the original fragile yellow pages in my own hands. They were probably typed by a Gestapo clerk in 1936 from some raw transcript – someone who had been at the trial, and perhaps had even seen Leo and Gertrude in person.  Although this intermediate was unfortunately anonymous and present only through a piece of paper 80 years later, this was still one step closer to the pair themselves.  Hopefully all this will lead to a known family member who can tell me about them from first-hand experience.

Holding HandsThis brought the couple to life for me.  When I saw a young man and woman holding hands in a cafe or with their heads together on the train, I imagine them as Gertrude and Leo during the better times of their lives, as newlyweds or as a young couple with their young daughter Sonia, perhaps proudly pushing her through the street in a baby carriage, showing her off to the neighbors. I looked at the apartment buildings I passed and thought – that’s where they could have lived.  I could imagine the meetings described by the trial records having taken place in any of them.  I could imagine the comings and goings of the cast of characters described in the records taking place in any of the entrance ways I passed on the street.

I would normally post a photograph of myself holding those trial records, but alas! –cameras and cell phones cannot be used in the research areas. You are also forbidden to use pens – everything must be in pencil.  Everything except laptops, research notes, paper, and pencils must be stored in the lockers.  On September 1, the Archives is going to start a program to allow visitors to photograph documents, but that was not possible during my visit.

Everyone at the Archives was very nice and tried to straighten the files out for me the best way they could.  But Herr Grunwald, my point of contact, was on vacation, to return on Monday.  The only new information I found on my first visit consisted of index cards with abstracted information about Gertrude and Leo’s imprisonment (the arrest cards of Association of Victims of the Nazi Regime, or Vereinigung der Verfolgten des Naziregimes, VVN-Haftkartei).  I already had most of that already, but I still requested the Archives copy them for completeness.  The Archives does not permit anyone to make copies of paper documents from their stacks.  You must order them through Selke, their contractor.  The copies will arrive typically within three to four weeks.

To be continued…

 

Posted in Historical Identifications, Holocaust Project, Uncategorized, Unsolved Mysteries | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 2 Comments