DNA-The Next Big Gold Rush?


The discovery of gold at Sutters Mill, CA in 1848 promised untold wealth for those who had the resources and stamina to outlast the competition.  At the dawn of the California Gold Rush, there were no laws governing property rights; prospectors depended on a system of staking claims to protect their discoveries. Early prospectors did well, earning many times what they would have taken in as common laborers. But within a short time, the techniques of extracting gold became more efficient and sophisticated – far beyond the financial resources of the individual 49er. The tens of billions of dollars of gold recovered from the hills of California were ultimately controlled by only a few.  Many later prospectors returned home empty-handed.

We are now experiencing a new gold rush, not to mine nuggets of metal from the earth, but rather to mine nuggets of information from our DNA.  Companies that were early into the market did well.  But over the last twenty years or so, as technqiues of extracting genomic information have become more efficient and sophisticated, the billions and perhaps trillions of dollars worth of information extracted from the human geome have come under the control of only a few.  Many companies have not had the resources to outlast the competition.

In 2000 the commercial potential for Direct-to-Consumer (DTC) DNA testing was noticed by a handful of entrepreneurs.  The founders of early genetic genealogy testing companies realized that the path to success was to offer inexpensive DNA tests to the genealogical community that would lead to the construction of large databases of test results.  The more data a company controlled, the more it would control the market.

DNA databases were not a new concept.  For years, the medical industry had been mining databases of genetic variants to predict and characterize disease and for use in drug development. The CODIS database had already been formalized for use by law enforcment in 1994, and in 2000 included the profiles of nearly half a million offenders, along with over 20k forensic profiles from unidentified remains.  Both types of DNA databases are subject to federal regulation.

But the introduction of DNA-on-a-stick by Oxford Ancestry, Relative Genetics, and Family Tree DNA prompted a new kind of gold rush – a race to control the growing, and largely unregulated DTC DNA testing industry.

Early attempt at DNA extraction.

In the early days, there seemed to be little concern that genetic genealogy data would be used by DTC companies for other kinds of commercial gain.  The Y-STRs used for genetic genealogy tests had originally been selected for forensic use in identifying individuals, without revealing information about someone’s ethno-ancestry or his physical characteristics. Genetic genealogists posted their Y-STR test results on public websites and shared them freely without much concern for personal privacy.

That started to change around 2006 with the founding of 23andMe, the first DTC company to offer autosomal SNP testing.  Partially financed by information giant Google, the company’s goal was to mine the genome for data that could be marketed to pharmaceutical companies and medical research groups.  Unlike earlier DTC DNA companies, 23andMe’s strength was not simply how much data it controlled, but how much that data was worth to other organizations.

From the beginning, 23andMe leveraged concern over the privacy of personally identifying information to its advantage. While the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 (HIPAA) was already in place to protect privacy and the security of health information, 23andMe is not covered by HIPPA because it is not a health care provider.  23andMe created its own terms of service, privacy, and informed consent agreements to protect the consumer’s personal privacy, while allowing the company to exploit the consumer’s anonymized genomic data as it wished.

In other words, 23andMe created two streams of revenue, one through the familiar front door with DTC customers willing to pay for its Personal Genomic Service (PGS), and the other through a new back door from selling their data to the medical establishment and to research groups.

In the early days of the California Gold Rush, there was relatively little conflict or crime. Everyone believed they would become rich.  There was competition to grab ownership of the best claims and disputes over water rights, but there was little need to steal from anyone. As miners moved from one camp to the next, they developed a set of informal practices that were more or less universally accepted among the mining communities in the West.  These pertained to the maximum size of a claim and how long a claim could be left unworked before it was forfeited to another prospector.

But as more people and companies moved in to take advantage of the wealth, “claim jumping” became common; violence and crime were on the rise.   Civil law was in the hands of the people.  And even though informal mining practices were supported by state and territorial legistlation, open mining on public land was still illegal and unregulated under federal law. Because California had just recently been acquired by the US from Mexico at the end of the Mexican American War, the western mining industry operated in a legal vacuum.

After the Civil War, a kind of federal claim jumping was attempted.  Eastern Congressmen regarded western miners as squatters robbing the federal coffers of revenue needed to pay the country’s enormous war debt. They introduced bills into Congress to seize western mining claims from their owners and auction them to the public, or to send armed troops to the mining areas to expel the miners and allow the goverment itself to work the mines for the benefit of the treasury. Western representatives argued that miners and prospectors were performing valuable services to the nation by promoting commerce and settling new territory.

In 1864, Congress voted in favor of the miners, passing a law (30 U.S.C. §§ 22-42) that instructed courts deciding questions of contested mining rights to ignore federal ownership, and defer to the miners in actual possession of the ground. Legistlation over the next few years was consolidated into the General Mining Act of 1872 that legalized mining on public lands, and gave discoverers the right to stake claims to extract valuable deposits from the ground.  The Act of 1872 also set the price for land assumed under the mining act as $2.50 to $5.00 per acre.

In a similar way, as the potential of the DTC industry grew well beyond traditional genealogical interests, competition became fierce for shares of the lucrative market, while the spectre of government control appeared on the horizon.

In August 2013, in its push to increase its database to 1M customers, 23andMe expanded its efforts to market its PGS with television ads claiming its tests could assess health risks, with the tag line “Change what you can, manage what you can’t”. In November 2013, the FDA issued a warning ordering the company to “immediately discontinue marketing the PGS until such time as it receives FDA marketing authorization for the device”.  The FDA’s concern arose over the lack of analytic clinical validation of those claims, and how the public might use information provided about breast cancer mutations and warfarin-related genotype results, in the absence of consultation with a medical professional.

It is tempting to label the FDA’s warning to 23andMe as a type of claim jumping, an attempt by the government to grab control of the DTC market. But the issues are much more complex. It is the FDA’s job to protect the consumer by requiring that statements made about the safety, effectiveness, and security of health-related medical devices and tests are accurate and that devices and tests do what they are claimed to do.  In other words, the FDA’s order to 23adMe to cease marketing its PGS should not necessarily be interpreted as an attempt to divert control of the DTC industry away from 23andMe, but rather as the FDA’s obligation to the consumer to ensure that he gets what he pays for and doesn’t get hurt in the process.

Complying with the FDA’s order, in December 2013 23andMe removed health-related results from its product line, noting on its website that “At this time, we have suspended our health-related genetic tests to comply immediately with the [FDA] directive to discontinue new consumer access during our regulatory review process.” Company sales slowed down considerably, although 23andMe continued to offer ancestry-related information and raw data without interpretation.

However, the 23andMe genomic Gold Rush hardly came to a standstill. The FDA’s warning only prevented 23andMe from returning health-related information to its customers – the company’s back door was still open for business.

Since it was founded, 23andMe had been collaborating with pharmaceutical companies to mine customer genomes for clues to various genetic disorders.  In 2014 it announced a collaboration with Pfizer to enroll more than 10,000 patients with colitis or Crohn’s disease in its database to look for genetic clues to the cause of those bowel disorders.  This was followed in January 2015, by an upfront payment from Genentech of $10 million, with further milestones of as much as $50 million – one of ten deals the company had signed with large pharmaceutical and biotech companies.  Including $115M the company raised through a 2015 Series E offering, the company’s total capital investment reached $241M.

Raising the stakes even higher, in March 2015, 23andMe announced it was going into the pharmaceutical business.  Not content with harvesting and consolidating genetic information from its PGS for sale to the pharmaceutical industry, the company planned to capture a greater economic share of the value of its genetic databases.  A drug in clinical trials could be worth hundreds of millions of dollars; placing that drug on the market could be worth billions.

Think “Gold Rush on Turbo”.

These developments seem to dwarf the February 2015 FDA announcement that it would partially lift its embargo on PGS sales by allowing 23andMe to market its DTC carrier test for Bloom’s Disease.  The FDA’s approval was based on 23andMe studies of the accuracy of its test for predicting Bloom Disease carrier status, and on surveys demonstrating that the general public was capable of following sample collection instructions and understanding test results.

Bloom’s Disease is inherited in an autosomal recessive pattern.

23andMe’s Bloom carrier test only assessed whether a healthy person had a variant in a gene that could lead to his offspring inheriting the disorder – that is, whether the individual was a carrier of the disease.  It did not include information on the predisposition of that individual for developing the disease himself. By October 2015, 23andMe had gained FDA approval for an additional 35 carrier status tests.

23andMe’s front door was open for business again.

According to Alberto Gutierrez, Ph.D., director of the Office of In Vitro Diagnostics and Radiological Health in the FDA’s Center for Devices and Radiological Health, “The FDA believes that in many circumstances it is not necessary for consumers to go through a licensed practitioner to have direct access to their personal genetic information. Today’s authorization and accompanying classification [as a Class II device], along with FDA’s intent to exempt these devices from FDA premarket review, supports innovation and will ultimately benefit consumers.”

In April 2017, 23andMe obtained approval for Personal Genome Service Genetic Health Risk (GHR) tests for 10 diseases or conditions, including Parkinson’s Disease and late onset Alzheimer’s Disease.  According to the FDA’s press release:

These are the first direct-to-consumer (DTC) tests authorized by the FDA that provide information on an individual’s genetic predisposition to certain medical diseases or conditions, which may help to make decisions about lifestyle choices or to inform discussions with a health care professional.

“Consumers can now have direct access to certain genetic risk information,” said Jeffrey Shuren, M.D., director of the FDA’s Center for Devices and Radiological Health. “But it is important that people understand that genetic risk is just one piece of the bigger puzzle, it does not mean they will or won’t ultimately develop a disease.” 

Translation:  While 23andMe tests are not exempt from general controls such as labeling requirements and manufacture under a quality assurance program, the company can market its products direct to the consumer without premarket approval or notification.  In other words, responsibility for understanding the meaning of test results has shifted to the consumer. Even so, note the absence of a gold standard that the consumer can reference to determine clinical significance, often based on complex statistical, genetic, and biological analysis. In other words, once you have your test results, you are on your own – unless you choose to consult a medical professional.  Even though the FDA’s approval ruled in favor of direct-to-consumer testing results going directly-to-the-consumer, it did not circumvent the medical industry entirely, implying a role for medical advice and genetic counseling on the back end, after test results were in consumer hands.

Just as the General Mining Act of 1872 resolved the dispute between the goverment and the mining industry, releasing miners and mining companies from the threat of federal ownership and control, the FDA’s recent approval of 23andMe carrier and predisposition tests released the DTC DNA testing industry from the threat of government control, and eliminated the role of the medical industry as a go-between with the consumer.

*****

Over a decade since 23adMe came on the scene, the company has developed some fierce competition.  Ancestry.com began offering autosomal SNP tests in 2012; as of April 2017 it boasts a database of over 4M.  More recently, in November 2016, fellow genealogy giant MyHeritage started its own DTC testing service.  Although Ancestry and MyHeritage market autosomal testing solely for genealogical purposes, their terms of service and informed consent agreements are similar to those of 23andMe, indicating their interest in selling data through their back door to as yet unidentified organizations.  While Ancestry and MyHeritage do not seem to have an interest in partnering with the pharmaceutical industry, their sales must have an impact on the growth of 23andMe’s customer database, and therefore 23andMe’s back door revenue stream. Even so, in early 2017, 23andMe annnounced its database had crossed the 2M mark.

Having so much data to work with is exciting for genealogists engaged in birth parent searches and to the average consumer interested in discovering his genetic tendancies and ethninc background for $100-$200.

Consider, however, the bigger picture.

The world has changed.  We now live in a data-harvesting universe, where everything from the car we drive to the clothes we wear to the food we eat is monitored and tallied by marketing companies for sale to who knows whom. By the way, did you know that the first organization to know there is a flu outbreak is not the Center for Disease Control in Atlanta.  It’s Google.

For about $100, a consumer is presented with a list of autosomal matches (“DNA-cousins), information about his ethno-ancestry, and, in the case of 23andMe, his carrier status and estimates of his predisposition to genetic disorders. For perhaps $10M, a medical research group is presented with that same data anonymized and consolidated with tens of thousands – if not a million – sets of test results to use for drug development.  The amount of gold in the hills of California, or in the world for that matter, is finite.  The amount of human DNA in the world and how that DNA can be repackaged is infinite. A nugget of gold can only be sold to one person at a time, but a genetic dataset can be mined in many ways and the analyses sold to more than one interested party, even as personal test results are given to the individual who paid for them.

So where are we going with all this?  What does the future hold for the New Gold Rush?

Just as the billions of dollars of gold pulled from the ground during the California Gold Rush permanently changed the physical landscape of the Sierras, the DNA Gold Rush of today is changing our personal landscapes of privacy and informed consent.  The gold in the hills of California may one day be exahusted; the supply of human DNA will never be. It is difficult to predict what the future holds for us, as both the consumer and the consumed.

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Big Business or Big Brother?


At the recent American Academy of Forensic Science meeting in New Orleans, I attended the workshop The Opiate Crisis, Dirty Bombs, Big Data/Big Problems, and Driverless Cars:  On the Leading Edge
of Forensic Science – 2017 Theoretical Forensic Sciences “Think Tank”
.  It seemed like a good session to discover where forensic research is going, aside from the serious look the community is taking at standards of proof within the various forensic disciplines.

The talk Who You Are Out in the World and What Do You Think? by Lucy Davis presented an interesting look at the big business side of genetic genealogy.  The substance of the talk was a discussion of the informed consent, the terms and conditions of service (TOS), and the privacy agreement you must sign when you use the services of the top direct-to-consumer (DTC) DNA testing companies:  AncestryDNA, 23andMe, and MyHeritage.

What You Agree to in Signing Up for These Services

Using AncestryDNA as an example, their informed consent, terms and conditions of service, and privacy agreement include many pages of legal verbiage.  Some excepts:

AncestryDNA Informed Consent

The Ancestry Human Diversity Project collects, preserves and analyzes genealogical pedigrees, historical records, surveys, phenotypic data, family health data, medical and health records, genetic information, and other information (collectively, “Information”) from people all around the world in order to conduct research studies to better understand, among other things, human evolution and migration, population genetics, population health issues, ethnographic diversity and boundaries, genealogy, and the history of our species (“The Project”).

You will not get paid for being in this Project. The sample(s) you share with us for this Project might benefit researchers and others in the future. We will own the results of the Project and any subsequent publication of the results. If any commercial product is developed as a result of the Project, there will be no financial benefit to you.

AncestryDNA Terms and Conditions of Service

We use genetic and health data along with family tree data and your personal data, to perform research in genealogy, anthropology, evolution, medicine, and other health areas to improve research and develop new products.

By submitting DNA to AncestryDNA, you grant AncestryDNA and the Ancestry Group Companies a perpetual, royalty-free, world-wide, transferable license to use your DNA, and any DNA you submit for any person from whom you obtained legal authorization as described in this Agreement, and to use, host, sublicense and distribute the resulting analysis to the extent and in the form or context we deem appropriate on or through any media or medium and with any technology or devices now known or hereafter developed or discovered. You hereby release AncestryDNA from any and all claims, liens, demands, actions or suits in connection with the DNA sample, the test or results thereof, including, without limitation, errors, omissions, claims for defamation, invasion of privacy, right of publicity, emotional distress or economic loss. This license continues even if you stop using the Website or the Service.

AncestryDNA Privacy Agreement

We may share personal information with Ancestry Group Companies so that they may provide services to AncestryDNA and you (including to communicate with you) as described in this Privacy Statement, or provide the additional services of those Ancestry Group Companies to you, and/or for the purposes of connecting you to Users of the other websites operated by the Ancestry Group Companies. The Ancestry Group Companies are subject to similar privacy statements, which you should review. Additionally, as our business continues to grow and change, we might restructure, buy, or sell subsidiaries or business units. In these transactions, customer information is often one of the transferred assets, remaining subject to promises made in then prevailing privacy statements. Also, in the event that AncestryDNA, or substantially all of its assets or stock are acquired, transferred, disposed of (in whole or part and including in connection with any bankruptcy or similar proceedings), personal information will as a matter of course be one of the transferred assets.

One More Item

The Informed Consent,  the Terms and Conditions of service, and the Privacy Agreement that you must sign when you enroll in AncestryDNA are similar to those you sign when ordering kits from 23andMe and MyHeritage, with one noted exception.  MyHeritage Terms and Conditions contains the following additional statement:

This Agreement and any dispute regarding the Service shall be exclusively governed by the laws of the State of Israel without regard to conflict of law provisions and you agree that any legal proceeding about the execution, performance and/or enforcement of this Agreement shall be brought exclusively to the courts located in Tel Aviv, Israel.

*****

Let’s step back and talk about big business for a moment.

In a Forbes magazine article published in January 2017, Ancestry’s CEO Tim Sullivan announced that AncestryDNA’s autosomal DNA database had reached the 3M mark, making it the largest in the industry. Over Black Friday and Cyber Monday 2016, the company sold 560,000 DNA test kits, with 1.4M kits sold in the fourth quarter of 2016 alone. According to Tim Sullivan, Ancestry’s CEO, “We think we’ll have 10 million people connected within two years.”

Stop and think about this.

Considering that each person in the AncestryDNA database represents not just himself, but also his parents and siblings with whom he shares 50% of his DNA – membership in the Ancestry database is virtually many times larger than 3M.  Based on the size of my immediate birth family (two parents, myself, and three sibs), those 3M AncestryDNA customers represent a virtual database of 18M people.  The estimate may be high because it does not take into account that close family members may already belong to the database. Even so, 18M people may be an underestimate, considering that it does not include biological children of subscribers, nor their first cousins.  (I don’t have any children, but I have 21 first cousins).

For the moment, let’s use 18M as the size of the virtual AncestryDNA database. Based on just my own immediate family, the projected increase to 10M proportionally raises the virtual number of subscribers to 60M.  If the population of the United States is about 320M, the implication is that a single company will control the DNA of at least 20% of that. And that is only the beginning – the databases are only going to continue to grow.

In April of 2016, Silver Lake and GIC, Singapore’s sovereign wealth fund, acquired large stakes in Ancestry in a deal that valued the company at $2.6 billion. In the same January 2017 Forbes article, Tim Sullivan stated that Ancestry’s 2016 sales were $850M, up 25% from the year before, and that the company was anticipating an IPO in 2017.

23andMe has a similar narrative. In 2015, 23andMe with a second round of venture capital investment, the company’s total capital increased to $241M.  According to a 2015 article in Forbes Magazine, the company made a $50M deal with Genentech, a subsidiary of the Swiss pharmaceutical company Roche, for access to data on 12,000 individuals suffering from Parkinson’s Disease who had been recruited by the Michael J Fox Foundation.  The article mentions that this is the first of ten such deals made between 23andMe and pharmaceutical and biotech companies.

But there’s more.  In March 2015, in a second Forbes article, 23andMe announced that the company would “not just sell tests to consumers, or genetic data to pharmaceutical companies”.  23andMe announced its plans to go into the pharmaceutical business itself; a drug in clinical trials could be worth hundreds of millions of dollars; placing that drug on the market could be worth billions. Towards this end, the company hired retired Roche superstar Richard Scheller as Chief Scientific Officer and head of therapeutics.

****

My reading of the Informed Consent, Terms and Conditions of Use, and Privacy Agreements described above is that when you sign up for a DNA test from one of the genetic genealogy testing companies, you essentially agree to pay to give away your control over your DNA sample along with the data derived from that sample.  Furthermore the testing company may consolidate that data and sell it to research groups, pharmaceutical companies, or any other interested parties as they wish.  You also agree to allow the company to use ancillary genealogical data, family health data, and medical and health records that you provide along with your DNA sample.  If you have a dispute with MyHeritage, you must have the dispute heard in court in Tel Aviv, Israel.

There’s no doubt that Ancestry, 23andMe, and MyHeritage provide services that are of valuable to the genealogical community.  Just in the last twelve months or so, I have had about ten clients-acquaintances-friends find their birth parents thanks to Ancestry’s huge database, including a friend who found his birth father after searching for 30 years. All of these people have benefited from autosomal SNP testing in deeply personal ways.

But at what price?

Direct to Consumer (DTC) DNA testing companies do not offer their services because they want us to “feel good” about reuniting adoptees with their birth parents, or because they want us to know we are Scottish and not German.  DTC DNA testing is big business, in some respects the DNA equivalent of Google.  (In fact, the CEO of 23adMe, Anne Wojcicki is the ex-wife of Google founder Sergy Brin).

Referring to Tim Sullivan’s January 2015 statement that in two years, he expects AncestryDNA’s database to top 10M members – equivalent to 60M virtually members based on the size of my immediate family.  Multiplying that by 27 to include not just my six immediate family members, but also my 21 first cousins, brings the size of the virtual database of around 270M members, or about 75% of the size of the population of the US. And this total does not include people who have tested only with 23andMe or only with MyHeritage.  Even considering a fraction of database members live is outside the US, this is still an alarming number of subscribers.

A genealogist will undoubtedly find this an exciting prospect.  The bigger the database, the more likely he will discover his long lost relatives, or the better the chance an adoptee will find a close relative who will lead him to his birth family.

But behind the distraction provided by all the happy reunions is the important long term issue of what the DTC DNA testing companies plan to do with all of our data.

The possibilities are endless. 23andme has recently decided to develop their own pharmaceuticals.  Having drugs available to treat serious illness is not a bad thing.  But in the agreements I have to sign to make use of their services, the DTC companies clearly say that I will not derive any financial benefit from that development.  In other words, if a medicine or vaccine is created based on a database in which my DTC DNA results have been included, I will have to pay for that medicine just like everyone else.  And it might be expensive, considering that pharmaceutical will be under the exclusive control of the big business interests represented by the DTC DNA testing companies.

Think “Epipen”.  In September 2016, Heather Bresch, Chief Executive of Mylan Pharmaceuticals was called to testify before Congress about the sharp increase of the price of Epipen, its emergency allergy treatment device that can inject a dose of epinephrin into the body in response to a life-threatening allergic reaction.  The Epipen increased its price in the US from $100 in 2007 to $600 in 2016, even while the product was available in Great Britain for $69. According to a Reuters article in 2016, the Epipen accounts for $1B of Mylan’s overall sales of $9.45B, and 20% of the company’s annual profits. Mylan controls 90% of the market.

In response to public outrage at the price increase, especially from parents with children with severe allergies whose lives depended on the EpiPen, Mylan announced it was coming out with a generic version of the the device that cost $300.  So what happened to the other $300?

My prediction is that the DTC DNA testing industry is headed in the same direction.  As medications are developed based on those large and ever growing DNA databases, the price for each will not be based on how much it costs to produce – rather on what the market will bear.  If you need that drug to save your life – what will you be willing to pay? Note this is different from the way the pharmaceutical companies operate now.  They finance their research and development based on drug sales and capital investment.  The DTC DNA testing companies do depend on capital investment, but they more importantly they expect us to give them the raw materials (our DNA samples) towards their research and development, and also to pay for the privilege.

*****

So where are we today? More than likely, it you have read anything or seen a TV spot relating to a DTC DNA testing company, it was probably an advertisement catering to the general public describing about how easy it is to find one’s ethnic background by just spitting in a little cup.  Or perhaps you read a blog article about an adoptee was able to find his birth father thanks to a DNA test. Whatever you saw was probably a feel-good story to entice you to take a DTC DNA test, and not a serious discussion about giving up one’s rights to his DNA nor how the DTC testing companies plan to use that DNA to further their business interests.

As genealogists, we get excited about the immediate prospects of using DNA to discover new information about our families, and about new ways DNA offers to connect us to our past.

Is it too late to start thinking about our future?

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Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XII – Taking Stock


me_and_my_daughters

Pnina and her daughters.

INTRODUCTION

As with all research projects, there have been so many zigzags in this story, it’s only reasonable to take a break to take stock of where we are in solving the puzzle of Pnina’s identity.  We haven’t solved all the mysteries yet, but we know so much more now than we started with a few years ago.

Pnina Gutman is in her 70s and lives in Israel. She leads a normal life as a mother, a grandmother, and a great grandmother, but she has an unusual story.  Pnina was smuggled from the Warsaw Ghetto in late 1942 when she was an infant and hidden on the Aryan side by Charlotte Rebhun, a Christian woman from Berlin. Although Pnina’s life was saved, her identity was lost.  She has spent many years trying to recover it.

I became acquainted with Pnina in 2012 when I started a pilot project through 23andMe to DNA test child survivors of the Holocaust, hoping to reunite them with otherwise unfindable family members.  My source of candidates was the Missing Identity website hosted by Eva Floersheim from Norway that features compelling profiles of Holocaust survivor children who have lost their identities.  The survival rate for children during the Holocaust was the lowest of all age categories.  Of the 1 million Jewish children in Poland on the eve of the Holocaust, only about 5,000 survived – about one half of a percent – Pnina was one of the lucky ones.

Since the start of our project, our research group has grown, and we have consulted with major repositories of Holocaust material and civil and military records in Germany, Poland, Israel and the U.S.:

Jewish and Holocaust-Related Resources:

Yad Vashem, JRI Poland, jewishgen.org, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM), International Tracing Service (ITS), William Bremen Jewish Heritage MuseumAuschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and MuseumPawiak Prison Museum,

German Civil, Historical, and Military Repositories:

Berlin Landesarchiv, Berlin Bundesarchiv Lichterfelde, Zentral- und Landesbibliothek Berlin (ZLB), Deutsche Dienstelle, Landkreis Barnim, Badische Landesbibliotek Wurttemberg, Stadtarchiv Leipzig

Polish Civil, Historical, and Military Repositories:

Jewish Historical Institute, Polish State Archives in Warsaw, Central Archives of Modern Records in Warsaw, Archives of New Records in Warsaw, Institute of National Remembrance

U.S. Civil, Historical, and Military Repositories:

U.S. Library of Congress, U.S. National Archives

A Few of Many Websites:

Collection of historical European city and business directories – genealogyindexer.org
Victims of the Oppression under German Occupation – www.straty.pl/index.php/en/ 
Museum of the Warsaw Uprising biographies – www.1944.pl/powstancze-biogramy.html
Warsaw Ghetto database – warszawa.getto.pl/index.php?show=instrukcja&lang=en
Więżniowie Pawiaka (Pawiak Prisoners) – www.stankiewicze.com/pawiak/nazp3.htm

We have a great group of researchers located in all the right places:

Hania Allen                               Scotland
Cate Bloomquist                      Minnesota
Colleen Fitzpatrick, PhD        California
Eva Floersheim                        Moss, Norway
Franek Grabowski                   Warsaw, Poland
Pnina Gutman                          Israel
Sharon M Levy                         Israel


THE STORY OF PNINA’S RESCUE

By 2012, Pnina had already discovered that being smuggled from the Warsaw Ghetto was only part of her incredible story.  She had been rescued three times.  In 1944, after staying with the Rebun family for about two years, she was separated from them during a selection on the outskirts of Warsaw. Charlotte’s son Wolfgang was sent to Mathausen; Charlotte and her daughter Adele were sent to a work camp.  Pnina was found alone in a train station in Milanowek near Warsaw by a Red Cross worker who brought her to Franciszek Kaczmarek and his wife Stanislawa.  They took Pnina in although they already had five children of their own.

After the war, when the Kaczmareks wanted to adopt Pnina, they wrote to the Jewish Central Committee (JCC) to find out whether any of her family had survived.  Instead of replying, the JCC sent an emissary to the Kaczmarek’s house who took Pnina away by force, insisting she be raised a Jew. She was placed in the Otwock Orphanage, where she was adopted by the Himels.  She lived with them in Lodz until the family emigrated to Israel in 1950.

Pnina’s own research had led her back to the day she was smuggled from the Ghetto. By the time I was introduced to her, she had been reunited with both the Kaczmarek and Rebhun families.  Franciszek Kaczmarek and his wife were dead; Charlotte had been murdered when she returned to Berlin in 1945.  The Kaczmarek children were still alive, as were Wolfgang and Adele. They had provided her with many details of her rescue. They also gave her baby pictures – some dated back to shortly after she was smuggled from the Ghetto.  Two of them showed Charlotte near the park on Aleja Krolewska in Warsaw, including one with the white baby carriage she arrived in at Charlotte’s apartment, perhaps only days earlier.

Because they risked their lives to save Pnina, both Charlotte Rebhun and the Kazmareks were named Righteous before the Nations by the State of Israel.

Yad Vashem Ceremony Pictures 1

Pnina with Adele and Wolfgang at the Yad Vashem ceremony naming Charlotte as Righteous before the Nations, 1998.

Adele and Wolfgang’s eye-witness account of Pnina’s arrival at their family apartment on Krochmalna St. introduced several new characters to her story: Gertrude Spiro and her daughter Sonia, along with an unnamed German soldier. According to the Rebhuns:

Just before the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, Wolfgang recalled, a young Jewish couple, possibly freedom fighters, had convinced a German soldier to smuggle their daughter out of the ghetto. The nine-month-old had arrived in a white baby carriage, with a note draped around her neck reading Barbara Wenglinski. The soldier’s girlfriend, Sonia Spyra, passed the baby on to Charlotta Rebhun, Wolfgang’s mother, to be hidden in the Arian [sic] part of Warsaw.

wolfgangs_story-_to_yad_Vashem

Page 1 of the Rebhun’s testimony to the Yad Vashem

Their testimony to the Yad Vashem adds a few details:

It all started with a conversation between Mrs. Gertrude Spyra, wife of a Jew from Berlin, and my mother, Charlotte Rebhun born Schössow.

The conversation involved the adoption of a small child of a Jewish family from the Warsaw ghetto – the safekeeping and the survival of the child until its retrieval after surviving threats to life and limb. The birth parents were organized resistance fighters in the Warsaw ghetto.

The handover of Baschke by the birth mother took place in our former apartment in Warsaw Krochmalna No. 33, and included a baby stroller with baby clothing.

The intention was presented to my mother, that after taking care of their responsibilities in the Ghetto, the parents would return for the child after not too long a period of time.

After that, in the fall of 1942 – the exact time unfortunately, does not come to mind – there was no sign of the parents.

Barbara’s parents were Polish Jews.

GERTRUDE PRIESS-SPIRO

gertrudes-face-onlyGertrude Spiro was the person who organized Pnina’s rescue, yet the Rebhuns had little information about her and her daughter Sonia.  They did not even know how to spell their last name.  Now, thanks to records we’ve located at the Berlin Bundesarchiv Lichterfelde, the Berlin Landesarchiv, and through the Pawiak Prison Museum in Warsaw, we know so much more.  We hope that by researching the Spiros, we might find clues to Pnina’s identity.  It is even possible, although unlikely, that Sonia Spiro may still be alive.  Recent discoveries have also brought us closer to identifying the German soldier who was the go-between with Pnina’s parents.

Gertrude Priess was born in Bladiau, Kreis Heiligenbeil, East Prussia on 24 February 1899, the daughter of Friedrich Priess and Maria born Brockmann (Bruchmann).  The Priess family moved to Berlin about 1912 where they lived at 176/177 Brunnenstrasse until at least 1942. Their residence was located in what became East Berlin, three blocks from where the Berlin Wall once divided the city.

According to marriage records held by the Berlin Landesarchiv, Gertrude had two sisters:

johanna-priess-marriage-record-p2johanna-priess-marriage-record-p1Berta Johanna Priess, b 19 June 1895 in Quilitten, Kreis Heiligenbeil, East Prussia. She was a cook. Berta married Ernst Otto Gerlach on 20 July 1918 in Berlin. Ernst was born 24 Jul 1891 in Paplauken, Kreis Heiligenbeil, just a few miles away from where Berta was born four years later. At the time of their marriage, Ernst was a farmer living in Gross Lindenau, Kreis Konigsburg, East Prussia. According to notes included on their marriage certificate, the couple had a daughter, name unknown, b 1927 in Ottenhagen, Kreis Heiligenbeil, East Prussia, and Berta died 3 March 1963 in Leipzig.

martha-maria-marriage-record-p2 martha-maria-marriage-record-p1Martha Maria Priess, b 20 Nov 1901 in Bladiau, Kreis Heiligenbeil, East Prussia. She was unemployed when she married Albert Alfred Roehrs on 17 Jun 1920 in Berlin. Alfred was born on 15 September 1895 in Neu Weissensee near Berlin. He varnished furniture for a living, and later owned a flower shop in Berlin.  At the time of their marriage, Alfred lived on Anklamer St, about two blocks away from the Priess residence at 175-177 Brunnenstrasse in Berlin.  They had no known children. A note on their marriage certificate indicates that Alfred died 24 Jun 1978 in Wandlitz, Kreis Bernau.

Gertrude and Leo's Marriage Record_2Gertrude and Leo's Marriage Record_1Information about Gertrude’s early life is derived from her marriage record held by the Berlin Landesarchiv and from trial records held by the Berlin Bundesarchiv Lichterfelde. On 3 February 1923, Gertrude married Leo David Spiro, a Jew. Leo was born in Garwolin, Kreis Lublin, Poland, on 15 Mar 1897, the son of Abraham Leiser Spiro and Lea born Graf. He spent his early years in Warsaw, attending the private school run by his father. Leo was a leather worker. The couple had one daughter, Sonia, born in 1925 in Berlin.

Gertrude and Leo in Prison

On 22 July 1936, Leo and Gertrude were arrested in Berlin for preparing to commit treason. Their crime was to associate with Margarete Kaufmann and Gustav Urbschat, prominent members of the illegal KDP (Communist Party).  They allowed Kaufmann and Urbscat to hold meetings at their apartment, and occasionally allowed them or one of their associates to stay with them for a short period of time. In another incident, Kaufmann asked Gertrude to hide the typewriter she used to create Communist literature.

017

In the Name of the German People! The first page of Leo and Gertrude Spiro’s trial records.

The couple were in prison for nearly two years before they were brought to trial on 26 April 1938.  Leo was sentenced to 3 1/2 years in prison, with partial credit of one year six months time served; Gertrude was given 2 years in prison, with full credit for one year nine months served.  Gertrude was presumably released on 26 July 1938, after which she moved (or was expelled) to Warsaw with their daughter Sonia.  Unfortunately, Leo was never released. When his sentence was completed on 26 April 1940, he was sent immediately to the Berlin Police Prison, re-arrested, and then sent to the camps.

Leo’s prison records obtained from the International Tracing Service have provided us with the earliest records we have of Gertrude in Poland.  Buried among the many pages documenting Leo’s movement through the German prison system are two memoranda from July 1939 relating to Gertrude’s request for clemency for her husband.  Her return address was given as Walicow 7/21, Warsaw.  The correspondence reads:

*****

12119813_0_18

The Board of the Prison and Detention Center
Brandenburg (Havel) – Görden

Subject:  Clemency for the Penitentiary Prisoner Leo Spiro

Reference:  Request of 27 Jun 1939

To the Attorney General of the Appeals Court

3 July 1939

The Jewish penitentiary prisoner Leo Spiro is serving a prison sentence of 3 years 6 months, less 1 year 6 months time served, for preparing to commit a treasonable act under the above referenced case number. His release date is set at 04/26/1940. In the accompanying petition his wife, who was also convicted of preparing to commit treason to 2 years in prison in the same criminal case, requests a pardon for Leo Spiro, who is to be expelled from the Reich at the completion of his sentence. 

Spiro has, in obedience to his responsibilities during his present imprisonment, behaved in an orderly manner and performed satisfactorily. Through his offense, he has abused the hospitality granted to him by the German Empire, by supporting the illegal KDP in 1935-1936 with his actions aimed at its violent overthrow. In this respect, any requirement for the granting of a pardon is negated. I therefore reject the request.

Senior Administrative Officer

*****

12119813_0_19The Attorney General of the Appeals Court
Berlin W 35,
18 Jul 1939

Gertrud Spiro nee Priess
in Warsaw
Walicow 7/21

At the request of 23 Jun 1939, I have, after examination of the facts, found no reason to favor a pardon for your husband Leo Spiro. On the basis of my authority, I deny your request.

On behalf of
Dr. Weyermann
Attorney General

*****

The denial of Gertrude’s request for clemency for her husband sealed Leo’s fate. He never left the prison system. From the Berlin Police Prison in Berlin, he was transported to the Sachenhausen and Ravensbrück concentration camps, then to his death in the Bernburg Euthanasia Center on 25 March 1942.  He is buried in a mass grave in Berlin.

Gertrude in Warsaw

1941 General Government Directory for Poland

1941 General Government Directory

Gertrude seems to have done well in Warsaw.  The 1941 and 1942 Generalgouvernment and Warsaw telephone directories show her as the owner of a cigarette and liquor store at 2 Nowiniarksa St, about a half block from the Ghetto wall.  This is an interesting location. According to the Ringelblum Archives as quoted by Barbara Engelking in her book The Warsaw Ghetto, A Guide to the Perished City:

“The policeman Jakob Frydman set up a business smuggling goods to the ghetto. The Zglinowicz cafe in Leszno Street was the place where contacts were made.  In the cafe, Misza Waserman sat by the telephone and took calls from the Aryan side to say that the goods were ready.  Misza replied with a password, indicating the time and guard post one could enter (Wroblewska 1996, 205)”.  A similar role was played by a certain cafe on Nowiniarska St. “All the smugglers knew the telephone number 11-33-00 of that cafe, where they could come to terms among themselves and make deals with the players (AZIH, Ring I, 435)”.

The 1939-1940 Warsaw telephone directory reveals that the phone number associated with the cafe belonged to Chaim Szok, 8 Nowiniarska St.  It was located in the same building as Gertrude’s shop.

Another interesting aspect of Gertrude’s activities is that cigarettes and liquor are two of the highest priced luxuries during wartime.  According to Dr. Engelking’s book, in March 1942, a few months before the major transports from the Ghetto to Treblinka, a pack of cigarettes cost about 0.4 zlotys.  In September 1942, as the situation in the Ghetto worsened, one cigarette cost 3 zlotys.  By May 1943 during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, a single cigarette cost 250 zlotys. The price of liquor also skyrocketed.

North boundaries of the Warsaw Ghetto as of February 1941 (green line) and area excluded as of December 1941 (blue area).

Gertrude’s shop near the north Ghetto wall in a neighborhood finally excluded from the Ghetto in late 1941 (blue area).

We still don’t know how Gertrude came to own the shop on Nowiniarska St.  The Polish State Archives in Warsaw does not have property records for that address. The area was originally a Jewish neighborhood that was included in the Ghetto in early 1941. Later that same year, when the neighborhood was excluded from the Ghetto and became part of the Aryan section, shops appeared along the even number (north) side of Nowiniarska St.  Gertrude must have had the right connections to open a shop in such a prime location, especially one next door to a smuggling den.

One last detail about Gertrude is provided by a stamp in the upper right corner of her marriage certificate:

gertrudes-marriage-record-stamp-in-upper-cornerNr. 59

Berlin, 4th March 1943. Through the court order issued by the German court in Warsaw on 20 August 1941, C 495/40, was the marriage between David Leib Spiro and Gertrude Anna Spiro nee Priess dissolved.

On behalf of the registry office:  Rütter

Nr. 59

Berlin, 4 March 1943

The undersigned, resident of Warsaw, Tamkastrasse 48, declared to the German notary Doctor Albrecht Cintner, in Warsaw, that she has adopted her former surname Priess.

Judging by the case number C 495/40, Gertrude must have filed her divorce papers in mid- to late 1940.  This would have been somewhat after the date that Leo was to be released from Brandenburg Prison on 26 April 1940.  It could be that when her husband was sent to the Berlin Police Prison instead of being released, that Gertrude realized that she would never see him again and decided to divorce Leo. It could also have been a mutual decision, perhaps over concern for the safety of their daughter Sonia.  In 1940, Sonia was 15 years old.  As half-Jewish, she was officially immune from deportation from Berlin – but the laws in Warsaw were different.

PAWIAK PRISON

poles_inmates_of_pawiak_prison_hanged_by_germans_in_leszno_street__warsaw_february_11th_1944

Pawiak inmates hanged by the Gestapo at Leszno Street, 11 February 1944

Pawiak Prison was originally built in 1835 in Warsaw, to be used by the Polish judicial to incarcerate criminals, but after the Nazi invasion of Poland in 1949, it was converted into a German Gestapo prison. Approximately 100,000 men and 200,000 women passed through the prison, mostly members of the Armia Krajowa (Home Army), political prisoners, and civilians taken as hostages in street round-ups. An estimated 37,000 were executed and 60,000 sent to German death and concentration camps.  There were few known escape attempts.

Gertrude and Sonia’s were arrested and imprisoned in Pawiak on 11 May 1943.  Their names appear on a copy of a page of the prison registry sent to us by the Jewish Historical Institute, along with their date of arrest and their parents’ names.  There is no release date for them.  Regina Domanska’s book Pawiak Wiezienie Gestapo (Pawiak Gestapo Prison) provides information on their fate; the mother and daughter were among 141 women transported from Pawiak to Auschwitz on 24 August 1943. Their names also appear on the website Więżniowie Pawiaka on a list of women transported from the prison to Auschwitz. The group was assigned prisoner numbers 55778-55918.

Gertrude and Sonia's Pawiak record from the JHI 209_312 s35-2Thinking that was the end of the story for the Priess-Spiro women, I searched the Auschwitz-Berkenau Museum website to find out specifically which prison numbers Gertrude and Sonia were assigned from the group.  I made a spreadsheet cross referencing the names of the women on the transport list with their assigned numbers. To my surprise, Gertrude and Sonia were not included among the arrivals.  Assuming that the women lined up more or less in alphabetical order to receive their numbers as they were processed, there aren’t vacant numbers on the list close to “Priess” where Gertrude and Sonia would have appeared.

The comparison of the Pawiak and the Auschwitz lists is actually messier than I reported earlier.  I’d like to correct a few accounting mistakes I made in a previous chapter of this story.  Domanska’s book has 142 names on the Pawiak transport list, but according to the Auschwitz day book, only 141 female prisoners arrived at Auschwitz.  Of these arrivals, only 138 female prisoner names are associated in approximately alphabetical order  with prisoner numbers on the Auschwitz list – three numbers are vacant.

It would seem straightforward to cross reference the 142 Pawiak names with the 141 Auschwitz names to determine which women were absentees.  Of course, it is not as easy as that!  There are some complications.  Keep reading…

cover-of-auschwitz-book img019-1The process of assigning prisoner numbers at Auschwitz is described in Auschwitz 1940-1945, Central Issues in the History of the Camp, Vol II by Tadeusz Iwasko et al, pp 18-20:

Transports were received by the Auschwitz concentration camp in exchange for a receipt given to the convoy commandant (Transportführer)…When there was a discrepancy between the number of prisoners in the transport documentation (Transportliste) and the actual number of arrivals, the Auschwitz camp acknowledged the receipt of only of the number of prisoners who actually arrived, regardless of whether they were dead or alive…

One of the first acts required of new arrivals was that they line up in alphabetical order according to their surnames. Then a prisoner from the registration detail (Aufnahmekommando) drew up a handwritten list with consecutive camp serial numbers written next to the names. Each prisoner then received a small card bearing the serial number he or she had been assigned.

*****

img_1418-rotated-mentioned-gertrudes-transportauschwitz-chronicleAuschwitz Chronicles 1939-1945, by Danuta Czech, p. 469, offers further insight specifically into Gertrude’s transport as it includes excerpts from the Auschwitz day book:

August 25, 1943

Nine prisoners sent from Kattowitz [sic] receive Nos.  13873-138761.

50 Jewish men and women assigned by the Gestapo arrive with the forty-first RHSA east-transport from Berlin.  Following the selection, nine men, given Nos. 138762-138770, and 18 women, given Nos. 55758-55775, are admitted to the camp.  The other 23 deportees are killed in the gas chambers.

Two female prisoners from Kattowitz receive Nos. 55776-55777.

Nos. 138771-139645 are given to 875 male prisoners and Nos. 55778-55918 to 141 female prisoners from Pawiak Prison who have been sent to the camp by the Gestapo and the Warsaw SD.

60 prisoners sent in a group transport receive Nos. 139646-139705.

*****
From what these accounts tell us, there must have been 141 women who arrived at the camp alive.  There must have been 141 women present during the registration procedure because there were 141 numbers assigned to the group that were consecutive with the groups before and after them.

The question is:  were Gertrude and Sonia among the 141 women?  My opinion is – at least one of them, and possible both of them were absent.

Here is my logic:

  1. Regina Domanska’s book has 142 women’s names on her list of women transported to Auschwitz on 24 August 1943.  It is possible that Pawiak miscounted the number of prisoners on the transport.  Alive or dead, there were only 141 arrivals.
  2. The 141 women who arrived at Auschwitz survived long enough to be registered with the camp.  There are 141 numbers available on the list.  Numbers were not assigned to dead prisoners.
  3. Comparing the names on Domanska’s Pawiak list to the Auschwitz prisoner database reveals surprising inconsistencies:
    1. There are five women on the Pawiak list whose names are not on the Auschwitz list, reducing the number of Pawiak women known to make it to Auschwitz from 142 to 137. They are:

Priess-Spiro, Gertrude
Priess-Spiro, Sonia
Rudnik, Właclawa
Ryngwelska, Irena aka Fijałkowska, Irena
Zadja, Kazimiera

B. There is one woman on the Auschwitz list – Stanisława Fijałkowska (No. 55801)
who does not appear on the Pawiak list, increasing the number of women known to
have been registered at Auschwitz from 137 to 138,
C. According to the Auschwitz Museum website, there are three unoccupied numbers
on the Auschwitz registration list:  55873, 55885, 55905.

Which of the five women were associated with the three vacant registration numbers? Which two disappeared from the transport?

Correspondence with the Pawiak Museum. the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum, and the JHI provides some answers:

waclawa-rudnik-info-b-23-may-1920-kobylka-poland-polish

Info on Waclawa Rudnik from straty.pl

from:        Muzeum Podleglosci 
to:              Colleen Fitzpatrick
date:         Wed, Nov 26, 2014 at 1:50 AM
subject:   RE: Pawiak prisoners

From our information Irena Rogala had nr 55873 and Wacława Rudnik had nr 55875. Unfortunately we don’t have any further information, I suggest you to contact Auschwitz Archive.

Best regards,
The Museum of Pawiak Prison

*****
from:        Muzeum Podleglosci
to:              Colleen Fitzpatrick
date:        Wed, Nov 26, 2014 at 2:07 AM

According to information in our files Wacława Rudnik survived the war. When the Museum was founded in 1960s there were an appeal to contact archive and help to reconstruct the files, many prisoners of Pawiak that survived gave their testimonies, some of these testimonies were written some only oral. Wacława Rudnik left only short oral information about her imprisonment (it is all I wrote you in previous e-mail). Unfortunately we don’t know if she is still alive. Because of Protection of personal data we are not authorized to give you her address.  Best regards

The Museum of Pawiak Prison

*****
kazimiera-zajda-info-from-the-jhi-in-2014-no-watermarkfrom:    Monika Taras
to:          Colleen Fitzpatrick
date:      Tue, Dec 2, 2014 at 6:45 AM

Dear Miss Fitzpatrick,

The archives send you the scans of copy list from Bergen-Belsen with the name ZAJDA Kaziemiera born 15.08.1903.  She lived in Warszawa.  We do not know the date of that copy.  Yours sincerely,

Monika Taras

*****
According to the data from the Pawiak Museum and the JHI in Warsaw, we can account for Wlaclawa Rudnik and Kazimiera Zajda.  Wlaclawa’s absence from the Auschwitz list was a result of a clerical error.  Wlaclawa was assigned No. 55875, bumping Irena Rogala to No. 55873.  This rearrangement is consistent with the alphabetical order of the names on the list and matches one of the missing women with one of the vacant numbers.

Kazimiera’s name was probably absent for similar reasons.  Her last name Zadja fits in alphabetically at vacant No. 55905.  Bergen-Belsen was a common next destination for prisoners at Auschwitz.

55903 Wyczlińska, Anna ?
55904 Wyrembowska, Irena
55905 Zajda, Kazimiera
55906 Zielińska, Jadwiga
55918 Zielińska, Zofia

*****
Only one number remains vacant, No. 55885 with only just three candidates that can fill it: Gertrude Priess-Spiro, Sonia Priess-Spiro, and Irena Ryngwelska (Irena Fijałkowska).

The vacant number falls on the list, not in a position consistent with “Priess” but in a position consistent with “Spiro”.

55883 Sokal, Stefania
55884 Sobieraj, Józefa ?
55885
55886 Stamirowska, Anna
55887 Suchanek, Teofila ?

Another twist was introduced by Paweł Bezak, Archivist at the Pawiak Prison Museum:

from:    Paweł Bezak
to:          Colleen Fitzpatrick
date:      Sun, Dec 4, 2016 at 11:51 PM

Hi Colleen,

We don’t have any information about Stanisława Fijałkowska – only a card of Irena Fijałkowska (sending to: Irena Rynglewska). We know only that she was in a transport from Pawiak to KL Auschwitz, on August 24th, 1943.  

No, we don’t think they could be the same person. As you can see in R. Domańska’s book , some names are written in  brackets – means that somebody was arrested under false name or used that in a camp.

Nor do we. Sorry.

There is an info, that 141 of arrested women arrived to the camp – but there could be some more send to KL Auschwitz, so, at least one of them could probably die… Maybe we should consider another possibility: some prisoners could even use the names of  these, who were killed or died during transport – because they believed that had a bigger chance to survive under false names, due to their nationality or causes that they were arrested.

Regards,

Paweł

*****
There are several possibilities:

(1) The vacant number was assigned to any one of the three women and the other two were not on the transport;
(2) Irena Fijałkowska (aka Irena Ryngwelska) was the same person as Stanislawa Fijałkowska, one of the Priess-Spiro women occupied No. 55885, the other Priess-Spiro was not on the transport,
(3) One of the Priess-Spiro women took the name Stanislawa Fijałkowska, the other took the number 55885, and Irena Fijałkowska-Ryngwelska was not on the transport.

So far, we have not found other records for either of the Fijałkowska women, and the remaining empty spot on the list is consistent with the name Spiro (but not Priess-Spiro).

The status of Gertrude and her daughter Sonia could not be more ambiguous.  In two out of three of the possible scenarios, either Gertrude or Sonia or both were not on the transport.  We have never considered that Gertrude and Sonia could have been separated, or that one of them died.

I’ve already inquired about the Fijałkowska’s with the Pawiak Prison Museum, the JHI, and with the Auschwitz Museum.  Nothing has come of this so far.

THE GERMAN SOLDIER

Of the most obscure characters in this story is the German soldier who acted as the liaison with Pnina’s parents.  He was said to be the sweetheart of Sonia Spiro; some versions of the story state he lived at the same address as the Spiros – 48 Tamka St.  So far, we have not been able to confirm either of these facts, even though I have spoken to members of the Strauch and Ordega families whose relatives lived there at the time.

On my recent trip to Pawiak Prison Museum, I discovered an interesting clue to the soldier’s identity.  The Museum has a alphabetical catalog of index cards for thousands of the prisoners who passed through Pawiak.  These include cards for both Gertrude and Sonia Priess-Spiro.  The hyphenated version of their name was probably used because, after her divorce, Gertrude had returned to using her maiden name Priess, while Sonia’s continued to use the last name of her father Leo Spiro. Doubling their last name would have made it easier for them to stay together.

Gertrude has two cards on file.  We were already aware of the information on the first card, thanks to the website Więżniowie Pawiaka (Pawiak Prisoners).

img_9055-rot      img_9054-rot

Piss-Spiro, Gertruda/Sonia (notated with Priess to upper right)
24 August 1943 – sent to Auschwitz.
(CACKCP1PR, signature 202/II  t. 62  k. 41)

A second card for Gertrude provided some startling information.  It read:

img_9068-rot

Gertruda Spiro
born Prieß (Priess)

Born 24 Feb 1899 Pladiau (East Prussia), lived in Warsaw at 25 Długa St.  When she arrived at the prison, she said that she was Polish, but she also said that she was born as a native German (Reichsdeutsch) although without documents.

On 6th March 1941 she was interrogated. She had a husband, a Jew called Leo Spiro. She had a liquor store on 2 Nowiniarksa St. by the border of the ghetto, and Lotterer (from Pawiak) was coming there.  (Also see the card for Lotterer).

AGKB2H signature SIPO Warschau t. 48. i. 46
See the card for Priess-Spiro Gertruda and Priess-Spiro, Sonia

*****

Could Albert Lotterer be the German soldier we have been searching for?  Albert Lotterer has a prisoner card, too:

It reads:

Lotterer, Albert

Born 5 May 1903 Unterhausen, Kries Reutilingen, son of Eugen and Marie, wife Lina nee Mayer, occupation – employee, living in Stuttgart, Bucherstr. 11, in NSDAD [National Socialist German Workers Party – Nazi Party], from the fall of 1931 Nr. 666124, SS Nr. 71241, also from 1931.

1st Co. Reserve 13 SS Standard Stuttgart

This information was from an interrogation on 6 March 1941 from the [Übel Kriminal Oberass. z. Pr.] Criminal Court (by?) Police Sergeant of the Secret Police. Lotterer illegally commandeered goods from a man named Chinescu who was prompted to sell them(?).  (Ref III/II tl-2001/41).  On 6 March 1941, Gertrude Spiro was also interrogated.  (See also her card).  

Lotterer said that he was working in a factory for a long time.  He had no job.  So he volunteered for the FreiKorps, etc.  On 16 Nov 1939, he was taken from Pretzsch on the Elba by Berlin to the Security Police Warsaw.  He was in the Prison Guards.  He is SS Unterscharf (corporal or Jr Sergeant) at present as a Notd. Verpfl. (?), employed by the SIPO III/II D

He was punished three times for theft in 1926 (register of people who were punished), and he got six month in prison. On 13 May 1941, he got a telegram from his wife that there was a problem with her pregnancy. He got an order from Cracow for him to come, so he got three weeks’ vacation.  He should get back to the prison after the war.  He was also sent by SIPO to the position in the Waffen SS.  

AGKB2H SIPO Warsaw t. 43 i. 46

He was interrogated in Feb 1941 for fighting in the Savoy restaurant with an NCO (non-commissioned officer) and an officer of the Wehrmacht.  (AMHW – N(?)Y, SIPOW t. 106)

*****

Albert Lotterer’s card provides the first link we have found between Gertrude and a Pawiak prison guard.  It’s significant that he was a customer at her liquor store. Lotterer was probably not the only prison guard who frequented the store, but given the fact that Gertrude was interrogated for a crime committed by him, it is reasonable to assume that she knew him better than others.  Could her connection to Lotterer or another prison-guard/customer of her store explain how Gertrude and Sonia escaped from the Pawiak transport to Auschwitz?

Through inter-library loan, Cate was able to obtain a copy of the Bulletin of the Main Commission for the Investigation of Nazi Crimes Poland, that mentions Lotterer on pp 215-216:
img_9075-p-215
img_9075-p-216
Lotterer Albert – SS-Unterscharfuhrer, born 5 May 1903 (Unterhausen, Kreir Reutlingen). Communist Party No. 666124, SS No. 71241.  In November 1939 appointed to train police in Pretsch. and then directed to ACOR – paper III / II D (protective custody). Began service at Pawiak in November 1940, left in March 1941.

This is a bit more than what we knew before – the entry mentions that Lotterer left the Prison in 1941.  And we know that he was arrested in March 1941, and that in May 1941 he went to be with his wife during the birth of their child.  It’s possible he came back to Warsaw after that and got into the baby-smuggling business.  Who knows?

We are searching for Lotterer descendants, hoping they will have more information about their father or grandfather Albert. Lotterer’s card provides a lot of personal information that could be helpful for this, for example, his birthdate, his parents’ names, his wife’s name, and the fact that he had a child born in 1941.  That son or daughter might still be alive.  We’ve been looking.

Note that the SIPO file for Lotterer (AGKB2H SIPO Warsaw t. 43 i. 46) is the same as that for Gertrude, (AGKB2H SIPO Warsaw t. 48 i. 46) with the same file number (46) but a different page number (48 versus 43).  Franek, our team member from Poland, recently ordered a copy of this file from the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw.

Besides this, I’ve discovered Lotterer’s military records at the German Bundesarchiv. I expect to receive copies of his file before Christmas. I’m now waiting for a response from the Deutsche Dienstelle, the repository of historical information on German soldiers.  It would be unbelievable if somewhere in Lotterer’s military or criminal records it’s mentioned that he was arrested for smuggling, especially for smuggling babies.

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part I – Pnina, Otwoc, and the Kaczmareks

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part II – Pnina, Wolfgang, and the Warsaw Ghetto

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part III – Gertrude and Sonia Spyra

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part IV – Wolfgang and Adele’s Eyewitness Account

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part V – Gertrude and Sonia’s Escape

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part VI – Our Search for Gertrude Spiro

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VII – Gertrude’s Other Children?

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VIII – Gertrud and Leo’s Trial

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part IX – Gertrude’s Sisters!

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part X – Gertrude’s Marriage and Divorce

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XI – Berlin, Warsaw, and the German Soldier

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XII – Taking Stock

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Who Am I? What Is My Name? Part XI – Berlin, Warsaw, and the German Soldier


I recently traveled to Berlin and Warsaw to personally research in the various German and Polish archives.  My hope was to find more information about Gertrude Priess-Spiro and her circle of acquaintance and friends, towards the goal of finding the birth identity of Pnina Gutman, whom she helped smuggle from the Warsaw Ghetto in 1942.  I feel that if we can identify the people and organizations that Gertrude was involved with during the War, we may be able to find clues that lead us to Pnina’s family.

Although my initial search of the German and Polish archives was not successful, I later discovered information that may lead to the identity of the German soldier, the most obscure character in Pnina’s story, but perhaps the most important.  The German soldier was responsible for putting Pnina’s parents in touch with Gertrude Spiro who eventually arranged to have her smuggled from the Ghetto.  Identifying the German soldier would put us one step away from Pnina’s parents.

IMG_8739

Pointing the way to the reading room at the Berlin Bundesarchiv, Lichterfeld

Many of the repositories I visited did not yield new information.  Although I spent several days at the Berlin Bundearchiv Lichterfeld (German National Archives in Lichterfeld), I was only able to find a few more scraps of information about Gertrude and Leo’s trial and arrest.  I already knew the basic story from the documents that the Archives had already sent me:  The Spiros were arrested in July 1936 for allowing Communist Party members to use their apartment to hold meetings, and because Gertrude agreed to hide a typewriter used by Communist Party operative Margarete Kaufmann to produce subversive literature.

The couple was in prison for nearly two years before they were brought to trial in April 1938.  Leo was sentenced to 3 1/2 years in prison, with partial credit of one year six months time served; Gertrude was given 2 years in prison, with full credit for one year nine months served.  Gertrude was released in July 1938, after which she moved to Warsaw with their daughter Sonia.  Unfortunately, Leo was never released.  When his sentence was completed on 26 April 1940, he was sent immediately to the Berlin Police Prison, then to Sachenhausen, and then to Ravensbruck concentration camps. He died in the Bernberg Euthanasia Camp on 25 March 1942.

One new piece of information I discovered at the Bundesarchiv, however, was that although Alfred Roehrs and his wife Martha Maria Priess (Gertrude’s sister) were also arrested in connection with Gertrude’s and Leo’s activities, they successfully convinced the court that they were innocent of any wrongdoing, and were released.

img_8569

Landesarchiv Berlin

My second stop in Berlin was at the Berlin Landesarchiv (Berlin City Archives). Prior to my visit, I requested a search of the Einwohnermeldekartei (EMK), residency cards issued to all German citizens.  They found none for the extended Priess-Spiro family, including Gertrude’s parents Friedrich and Mari Priess, Gertrude, Leo, their daughter Sonia, Alfred and Berta Gerlach, and Ernst and Maria Gerlach, Gertrude’s two brothers-in-law and their wives, her sisters.  It was explained to me by the Head Archivist Martin Luchtenhandt, that many of the records had been destroyed during the war.

einwohnermeldekartei-index

The Landesarchiv Berlin holds 2.8M Einwohnermeldekartei for Berlin residents from 1875-1948. The collection is incomplete due to heavy damage during the war.

I also asked the Landesarchiv about birth records from East Prussia, where Gertrude and her two sisters were born.  I had been told that they were archived in the Landesarchiv, but even knowing from Gertrude’s marriage record that her birth had been recorded in Register No. 8 in Bladiau in 1899, was no use –  95% of the records from that area (now known as Kaliningrad) had been destroyed.

img_8562

With Martin Luchtenhandt, Head Archivist at the Berlin Landesarchiv

My last request at the Landesarchivs was related to the birth, marriage, and death records that they have not posted online.  I was hoping to find the death records of Frederich and Maria Priess, as an indication of when the family may have left their residence on Brunnenstrasse.

Unfortunately, the Landesarchiv could not offer much help.  Beyond the 1942 online death records for Berlin Mitte, the district where the Priess family lived, there were only a few years that have been digitized; otherwise the original hard copy registers have to be searched by hand. The digitized files include:

1943 Deaths
1944 Deaths
1945 Deaths K-R & S-Z
1946 Deaths

1943-berlin-city-directory-priess-p-2320

1943 Berlin city directory listings for Gertrude’s father and uncle Friedrich and August Priess

Although I found a death record for an Alfred Roehrs who was not Gertrude’s brother-in-law, along with a few Gerlachs, I could not find the death record for any member of the extended Priess-Spiro family.

The last repository I visited in Berlin was the Zentral- und Landesbibliotek (ZLB) that holds the Berlin telephone and city directories.  I had already tracked the Priess and Spiro families through 1943 using the directories that are available on the ZLB website.  The few  hard copy or microfiched directories that the ZLB has available (for both East Berlin and West Berlin) dating after the war did not have any Priess, Spiros, Gerlachs, or Roehrs family members listed.

My experience in Warsaw was also initially frustrating.  I started at the Jewish Historical Institute, but I was told they only assisted beginning genealogists with their research, and discouraged personal access to reference materials.  The JHI houses the Ringelblum Archives, a detailed chronicle of the Warsaw Ghetto created by Emanuel Ringelblum.  While this would have provided an interesting background to events in the Ghetto, it is written in Polish, and has not yet been translated into English.

img_9049My last research stop at the Pawiak Prison Museum finally brought me the success I had hoped for.  The museum’s curator Paweł Bezak gave me a thoughtful tour of the prison, commenting that it was rare for an American to visit the museum for research purposes. We walked down the main hall, where several reconstructed cells were on view.  As Paweł explained, although the cells were small, they typically held perhaps a dozen prisoners, with little room to stand or sit.  The only source of air was a small window high up on the far wall.

There was a display on children born while their mothers were prisoners, along with artwork and beautiful items of clothing that the prisoners secretly produced from scraps of cloth or string.  He guided me through exhibits on prison hygiene and the prison hospital, explaining that prisoners were often brought there to recover after torture or severe beatings, only to be returned to the prison for a second interrogation.  The hospital was nevertheless a haven where prisoners (and guards) felt safe and received excellent medical care.  The doctors were often resistance workers who passed personal messages and information to and from the outside.  In one of the rooms, there was a rogues gallery of Pawiak prisoners, notable political figures, members of the resistance, artists, musicians, writers, and others captives who are perhaps not so well known.  I promised Paweł I would send him whatever I had about Gertrude so that her picture and her bio could be added to the exhibit.

rogues-gallery

As Paweł explained, not much of the original structure remained; it was mostly destroyed in 1944 by the Nazis, along with about half of the prison’s documentation. Only part of the front gate and a cell door or two survived intact along with the memorial tree in front of the prison.  The women’s section, known as Serbia, was completely destroyed; it was once located across what is now the main boulevard Aleja Jana Pawla II.

At the end of the tour, Paweł and I went to the museum office to look through the large alphabetical card file of Pawiak prisoners.  He pulled cards on Gertrude Piss-Spiro and Sonia Piss-Spiro.  I was already aware of the information on these cards from the list of Pawiak prisoners discovered online by Cate Bloomquist a while back.

img_9055-rot      img_9054-rot

Piss-Spiro, Gertruda/Sonia (notated with Priess to upper right)
24 August 1943 – sent to Auschwitz.
(CACKCP1PR, signature 202/II  t. 62  k. 41)

Surprisingly, Paweł discovered a second card for Gertrude.  It read:

img_9068-rot

Gertruda Spiro
born Prieß (Priess)

Born 24 Feb 1899 Pladiau (East Prussia), lived in Warsaw at 25 Długa St.  When she arrived at the prison, she said that she was Polish, but she also said that she was born as a native German (Reichsdeutsch) although without documents.

On 6th March 1941 she was interrogated. She had a husband, a Jew called Leo Spiro. She had a liquor store on 2 Nowiniarksa St. by the border of the ghetto, and Lotterer (from Pawiak) was coming there.  (Also see the card for Lotterer).

AGKB2H signature SIPO Warschau t. 48. i. 46
See the card for Priess-Spiro Gertruda and Priess-Spiro, Sonia

*****

I gasped.  Could Albert Lotterer be the German soldier we have been searching for?  I asked Paweł to find Lotterer’s card.

It read:

Lotterer, Albert

Born 5 May 1903 Unterhausen, Kries Reutilingen, son of Eugen and Marie, wife Lina nee Mayer, occupation – employee, living in Stuttgart, Bucherstr. 11, in NSDAD [National Socialist German Workers Party – Nazi Party], from the fall of 1931 Nr. 666124, SS Nr. 71241, also from 1931.

1st Co. Reserve 13 SS Standard Stuttgart

This information was from an interrogation on 6 March 1941 from the [Übel Kriminal Oberass. z. Pr.] Criminal Court (by?) Police Sergeant of the Secret Police.  Lotterer illegally commandeered goods from a man named Chinescu who was prompted to sell them(?).  (Ref III/II tl-2001/41).  On 6 March 1941, Gertrude Spiro was also interrogated.  (See also her card).  

Lotterer said that he was working in a factory for a long time.  He had no job.  So he volunteered for the FreiKorps, etc.  On 16 Nov 1939, he was taken from Pretzsch on the Elba by Berlin to the Security Police Warsaw.  He was in the Prison Guards.  He is SS Unterscharf (corporal or Jr Sergeant) at present as a Notd. Verpfl. (?), employed by the SIPO III/II D

He was punished three times for theft in 1926 (register of people who were punished), and he got six month in prison. On 13 May 1941, he got a telegram from his wife that there was a problem with her pregnancy. He got an order from Cracow for him to come, so he got three weeks’ vacation.  He should get back to the prison after the war.  He was also sent by SIPO to the position in the Waffen SS.  

AGKB2H SIPO Warsaw t. 43 i. 46

He was interrogated in Feb 1941 for fighting in the Savoy restaurant with an NCO (non-commissioned officer) and an officer of the Wehrmacht.  (AMHW – N(?)Y, SIPOW t. 106)

*****

This translation may not be exact.  For example, we could not decipher whether Albert Lotterer stole property from someone named Chinescu or from someone from China. Either way, Albert Lotterer’s card provides an important link between Gertrude and a Pawiak prison guard.  It is unlikely that Lotterer was the only prison guard who was a customer of her liquor store, but given the fact that Gertrude was interrogated for a crime committed by him, it is reasonable to assume that she knew him better than some of the others.  Could her connection to Lotterer explain how Gertrude and Sonia escaped from the transport to Auschwitz?

Lotterer’s card provides a lot of information that could be used to find him in the German records – his birthdate, his parents’ names, his wife’s name, and the fact that he had a child born in 1941.  That son or daughter might still be alive.

So far, we have not discovered very much about Albert Lotterer, but we are on the job. Through inter-library loan, Cate was able to obtain a copy of the Bulletin of the Main Commission for the Investigation of Nazi Crimes Poland, that mentions Lotterer on pp 215-216:
img_9075-p-215
img_9075-p-216
Lotterer Albert – SS-Unterscharfuhrer, born5 May 1903 (Unterhausen, Kreir Reutlingen). Communist Party No. 666124, SS No. 71241.  In November 1939 appointed to train police in Pretsch. and then directed to ACOR – paper III / II D (protective custody). Began service at Pawiak in November 1940, left in March 1941.

This is a bit more than what we knew before – the entry mentions that Lotterer left the Prison in 1941.  And we know that he was arrested in march 1941, and that in May 1941 he went to be with his wife during the birth of their child.  It’s possible he came back to Warsaw after that and got into the baby-smuggling business.  Who knows?

We are now searching for Lotterer descendants, hoping they will have more information about their father or grandfather Albert.  I’ve already written to the Deutsche  Dienstelle, the repository of historical information on German soldiers.  I also have a friend who is traveling to the US National Archives in Washington next week who has promised to search for information on Lotterer that might be in the Archives’ German military collections.  I’ve checked Facebook and the German phone book for Lotterers, and will follow up with what I discover in the near future.

More later…

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part I – Pnina, Otwoc, and the Kaczmareks

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part II – Pnina, Wolfgang, and the Warsaw Ghetto

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part III – Gertrude and Sonia Spyra

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part IV – Wolfgang and Adele’s Eyewitness Account

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part V – Gertrude and Sonia’s Escape

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part VI – Our Search for Gertrude Spiro

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VII – Gertrude’s Other Children?

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VIII – Gertrud and Leo’s Trial

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part IX – Gertrude’s Sisters!

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part X – Gertrude’s Marriage and Divorce

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XI – Berlin, Warsaw, and the German Soldier

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XII – Taking Stock

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For Immediate Release – Grant from the Elie Wiesel Jewish Studies Center, Boston University


bu-logoThe Center for Professional Education at Boston University has been awarded a competitive grant from Jewish Cultural Endowment Fund of the Elie Wiesel Center for Jewish Studies to hold a one-day workshop “Holocaust Survival and Reunion Stories:  Separating Fact from Fiction Using Genealogical Research Techniques”.

photo-july-2010The workshop will be conducted by internationally recognized forensic genealogist Colleen Fitzpatrick, PhD, founder of Identifinders International.  Dr. Fitzpatrick will focus on stories of child survivors and their efforts to connect with their birth families, covering five topics:

  1.  Introduction to Holocaust Research
  2. Discerning the True from the False when the Impossible is the Norm
  3. The Mascot – A Holocaust Literary Fraud?
  4. Holocaust Archives and Repositories
  5. Who Am I?  What is My Name?  – The True Story of Pnina Gutman

The workshop will take place on the Boston University Campus, on a Sunday during the spring semester 2017.  It will consist of lectures, case studies, small group discussions, and information about Holocaust archives and resources.  The event will be open to the Boston University community.  Attendees will not be required to have a background in genealogical research. The focus will be toward a lay audience interested in learning more about the topic.  The workshop will be free; attendance will be limited to 40 people. Preregistration is required.

Information on location and time and how to register will be posted as it becomes available.

Posted in About Me, DNA Testing, Finding Birth Parents, Historical Identifications, Holocaust Project, Unsolved Mysteries | Tagged , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Who Am I – What Is My Name – Part X – Gertrude’s Marriage and Divorce


By now, everyone who reads this should know Gertrude Priess-Spiro, the woman who arranged to have Pnina Gutman smuggled from the Warsaw Ghetto in August or September 1942.  New information about her has recently been discovered that provides details about her marriage to Leo Spiro.  It also explains why she was listed under her maiden name Gertrude Priess-Spiro on the Pawiak transport records to Auschwitz.

google-maps-176-brunnenstrasse

Location of 176 Brunnenstrasse, Berlin

During my recent trip to Berlin, I was able to visit the address at 176 Brunnenstrasse, where Gertrude grew up and lived for a while after she was married.  The building is about three blocks south of what was once the Berlin Wall running along Bernauer Str.  It is located at the intersection of Brunnenstrasse and Invalidenstrasse, across from the Volkspark am Weinbergsweg. Interestingly, the address is a few doors down from 186 Brunnenstrasse, where Alfred Roehrs lived in the 1930s and 1940s with his wife Martha Maria Priess, Gertrude’s sister and about two blocks away from the intersection of Brunnenstrasse with Anklamer Strasse, where Alfred Roehrs had his furniture store at Anklamer Str. 52 in the 1920s.

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176 Brunnenstrasse, Berlin, where Gertrude Priess grew up.

img_8701

186 Brunnenstrasse

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1923 - p 39 - Marked Up1923 - p 39 - Excerpt

 

 

Thanks to the Standesamtsregister Landesarchiv Berlin, I recently discovered what I thought might be Gertrude and Leo’s marriage certificate on their website. According to their marriage index, they were wed 3 February 1923 in Bezirk No 6 (6th District) in Berlin.  However, I was not sure this was theirs.  Although the only other two Priess marriages I had seen in the index were those of Gertrude’s two sisters Bertha and Martha, I misinterpreted the second column to be the name of the bride, and the word did not seem to match the spelling of the name Priess.  As it was explained to me later by an archivist at the Berlin Landesarchiv, the column was actually the profession of the groom – in Leo’s case – “shoemaker”.

When I asked the Landeesarchiv for a search for Gertrude’s marriage record without mentioning what I had found online in the index, the Landesarchiv confirmed that the entry from 1923 was correct and send me the document.

It yielded some startling information about the couple.

Gertrude and Leo's Marriage Record_1 Gertrude and Leo's Marriage Record_2

The marriage record states that on 3 February 1923, a marriage license was granted to David Leib Spiro, a shoemaker, born 15 March 1897 in Garwolin, Kries Lublin, residing in Berlin at Bruckenstrasse 10, and Gertrude Anna Priess, milliner, born 24 February 1899 in Bladiau, Kreis Heilengebiel, East Prussia,  residing in Berlin, at Brunnenstrasse 176.  The license was witnessed by Friedrich Priess, wagon driver, 50 years old, residing at 175-177 Brunnenstrasse (presumably the father of the bride), and Otto Schade, (can’t read occupation), 45 years old, residing in Berlin at Bruckenstrasse 10 (presumably a friend of the groom).

gertrudes-signature-from-her-marriage-recordFor the first time, we have Gertrude’s signature.

 

gertrudes-marriage-record-stamp-in-upper-cornerAn interesting bit of information is the stamp in the upper right corner of the first page of the license.  It reads:

*****

Nr. 59

Berlin, 4th March 1943. Through the court order issued by the German court in Warsaw on 20 August 1941, C 495/40, was the marriage between David Leib Spiro and Gertrude Anna Spiro nee Priess dissolved.

On behalf of the registry office:  Rütter

Nr. 59

Berlin, 4 March 1943

The undersigned, resident of Warsaw, Tamkastrasse 48, declared to the German notary Doctor Albrecht Cintner, in Warsaw, that she has adopted her former surname Priess.

Judging by the case number C 495/40, Gertrude must have filed her divorce papers in mid- to late 1940.  This would have been about the time, or somewhat after the date Leo was to be released from Brandenburg Prison on 20 April 1940.  It could be that when Leo was sent to the Berlin Police Prison instead of being released, that Gertrude realized that she would never see him again and decided to divorce Leo. It could also have been a mutual decision, perhaps over concern for the safety of their daughter Sonia.  In 1940, Sonia was 15 years old.  As half-Jewish, she was officially immune from deportation from Berlin, but the laws were different in Warsaw.

It is curious that Gertrude was still listed by her married name Spiro in the 1941 and 1942 Generalgouvernement telephone directories even though her divorce was finalized in August 1941.  The 1941 directory was probably already published and in use – it could be the information for the 1942 directory was published sometime in 1941 before her divorce became official.  Note that 4 March 1943 was only the date the Spiro’s marriage record was stamped in Berlin with the information about their divorce and Gertrude’s name change. Gertrude started using her maiden name again about the time of her divorce, and it took a while to have the divorce and her name change registered in Berlin.

*****

Armed with the new information about Gertrude’s divorce, I contacted the Archiwum Panstwowe w Warszawie (Polish State Archives in Warsaw) for a search of the records of the German Court in Warsaw.  The USHMM has only some of the collection- the rest is at the Archives in Warsaw.  The response to my request was disappointing:  The letter reads:

polish-national-archives-gmail-kwerenda_1

The Polish National Archives in Warsaw

Your inquiry of 15 Jul 2016
Number:  0-1.634.410.2016
Date:  18 Aug 2016

In reply to your inquiry we kindly inform you that a search was carried out in the following surviving and incomplete collections for information about Gertrude Priess-Spiro and Soni Priess-Spiro, who were in Pawiak prison, and then transported to the Auschwitz concentration camp during World War II:

Special Court in Warsaw 1939-1944, – 72/643/0,
German court in Warsaw 1940-1944, – 72/1207/0,
Higher German Court 1940-1944, – 72/3703/0,
The prosecution at the Special Court in Warsaw, – 72/1601/0,
The District Court in Warsaw 1917-1944, – 72/639/0,
Court Grodzki in Warsaw 1939-1944, – 72/1946/0,
Prosecutor of the Regional Court in Warsaw, 1917-1944, – 72/640/0,
Office of the Chief of the Warsaw District 1939-1945, – 72/482/0,
Off of the Chief of the Warsaw Dist SS and Police Leader in Warsaw 1939-1944, – 72/482/0,
The collection of documents from the period of World War II 1939-1945, – 72/1978/0.

No documents were found that could be positively identified. In addition, we
did not find any evidence related to the divorce of Gertrude Priess-Spiro.

In addition, we note that we do not have in our collection any materials on the civil status of Jews from the Garwolin area, or notary acts of Albert Cintera, making it impossible to find a birth certificate for Leo Spiro or documents relating to the name change by Gertrude Priess-Spiro.

To continue the search, we must have the address (street and house number) in Warsaw of the persons you wish to research.  Please send this information.

Furthermore, we would like to point out that we do not have information on where you can find records on the civil status of Jews from Garwolin in 1897.

If you have interest in further research, we advise you to contact the Jewish Historical Institute, ul. Tłomackie 3/5, 00-090 Warsaw and Pawiak Prison Museum, Branch Museum of Independence Street, Dzielna 24/26, 00-162 Warsaw.

*****

Of course, I wrote them immediately with Gertrude’s various addresses and dates:

Gertrude’s residence:

Waliców 7/21     June 1939
Długa 5                March 1941
Tamka 48            1941 – 11 May 1943

Gertrude’s liquor store:

Nowiniarska 2     1941-May 1943

answer-about-gertrudes-addresses-28-sep-2016Their response was that they don’t have books of residents for the street addresses: Waliców 7/21,  Długa 5 and Tamka 48.  They also state that Gertrude’s shop at 2 Nowiniarska St. is not registered in the Fond of District Court for Warsaw / Dept of Trade / Part A, but they don’t specify which years this Fond covers.

We will keep trying…

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part I – Pnina, Otwoc, and the Kaczmareks

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part II – Pnina, Wolfgang, and the Warsaw Ghetto

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part III – Gertrude and Sonia Spyra

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part IV – Wolfgang and Adele’s Eyewitness Account

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part V – Gertrude and Sonia’s Escape

Who Am I? What is My Name? Part VI – Our Search for Gertrude Spiro

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VII – Gertrude’s Other Children?

Who Am I? What is My Name?  Part VIII – Gertrud and Leo’s Trial

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part IX – Gertrude’s Sisters!

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part X – Gertrude’s Marriage and Divorce

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XI – Berlin, Warsaw, and the German Soldier

Who Am I? What is My Name? – Part XII – Taking Stock

Posted in Finding Birth Parents, Historical Identifications, Holocaust Project, Uncategorized | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Calendar of Upcoming Events


Calendar
October 2016 through March 2017 

October 20, 2016

2:30 pm
Forensic Genealogy:  The Database Detective

6:30 pm
The Secrets of Abraham Lincoln’s DNA

The Polish Genealogical Society of Massachusetts & the Chicopee Public Library
Chicopee Public Library
449 Front Street, Chicopee, MA  01013

Contact:
Barbara Kulig
bkulig@charter.net

*****

October 22, 2016

1:45 – 3:00 pm
Six Degrees of Separation

3:30 – 4:45
A Different Kind of DNA Talk

The Polish Genealogical Society of Connecticut and the Northeast

Contact:
Diane Sepanski
szepanski3@cox.net
(860) 919-6333

*****

October 24, 2016

Forensic Genealogy

West Virginia Department of Forensics and Investigative Science
208 Oglebay Hall
P.O. Box 6121
Morgantown, WV 26506-6121

*****

January 18, 2017
7:00 pm Eastern Standard Time

Webinar:  You Will Never Look at Your Old Photos the Same Way Again

The Georgia Genealogical Society

Contact:
Laura Carter
laurawilliamscarter@gmail.com

*****

January 25, 2017

Forensic Genealogy

National Forensic Academy Forensic Symposium
1201 Oak Ridge Turnpike #101,
Oak Ridge, TN 37830

Contact:
Daniel G. Anselment
Training Consultant
Law Enforcement Innovation Center
Daniel.Anselment@tennessee.edu
865-946-3201

*****

January 29, 2017
12:00 noon

Forensic Genealogy:  CSI Meets Roots

Czech Area Genealogical Society
Jagerhaus Restaurant
2525 E Ball Rd
Anaheim, CA 92806

Contact:
Judy Broberg
sleuthjb@pacbell.net

*****

February 8 – 11, 2017
Session Times TBD

Session 91203
Resources for International Searches

Session 91224
Hospital Records – An Untapped Goldmine 

Session 91485
Fun with Photos–The Sheboygan Dead Horse Picture

Session 92076
How to Find Living People using Global Technology

RootsTech
Salt Palace Convention Center
100 South West Temple
Salt Lake City, Utah 84101

*****

February 13-18, 2017

The Mysterious Case of Lori Ruff – Solved!
The Tamam Shud Mystery – Old Case, Modern Forensics

The American Academy of Forensic Sciences
69th Annual Scientific Meeting
Hyatt Regency New Orleans
601 Loyola Ave
New Orleans, LA 70113

*****

March 1, 2017
12:45 pm

Solving Mysteries through Forensic Genealogy

P.E.O.
Philanthropic Educational Organization
Location TBD in Villa Park, CA

Contact:
Jill Kuli
djkuli@roadrunner.com
714-998-4956

*****

March 17, 2017

What is Forensic Genealogy Anyway?

South Orange County California Genealogical Society
Family History Library
27976 Marguerite Parkway
Mission Viejo, California  92692

Contact:
Arlene O’Donnell
silkberry@aol.com

*****

Spring Semester 2017

Holocaust Survival and Reunion Stories:  Separating Fact from Fiction Using Genealogical Research Techniques

Interactive workshop sponsored by the Elie Wiesel Center for Jewish Studies Jewish Cultural Endowment and Boston University Center for Professional Education

Boston University
Location and time TBD

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